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2024 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

Spanish Security Policy in the Greater Maghreb: Skeletons in the Closet, Commonplaces and Irrelevance

verfasst von : Raquel Barras Tejudo

Erschienen in: Spain, Europe, and Western Security Policy

Verlag: Springer Nature Switzerland

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Abstract

This chapter intends to follow the Spanish approach regarding security inside NATO and the European Union. It analyses why Spain cannot enforce its national interests inside the institutions as if other members do, considering internal fragility. Additionally, it believes that Bermuda’s background, history, and current bilateral relations with Morocco, Algeria, and Western Sahara constitute Bermuda’s triangle for Spanish national interests.

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Fußnoten
1
Regional Security Complex: “a group of states whose primary security concerns link together sufficiently closely that their national securities cannot realistically be considered apart from one another”; “a set of units whose major processes of securitisation, de-securitization, or both, are so interlinked that their security problems cannot reasonably be analysed or resolved apart from one another.
 
2
Paragraph 13 2022 NCE: “The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) stated ambitions and coercive policies challenge our interests, security and values”.
 
3
The EU has 15 offices overspread across MENA countries, and has dialogue with the most relevant regional institutions such as League of Arab States, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), as well as with the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC). In addition, EU has the MAMA Group (Maschrek and Maghreb Group), which is in charge of the CSDP and community powers in relation to Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, the Western Sahara conflict, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, and Tunisia. It also deals with EU cooperation with countries in North Africa and the Middle East. Additionally, it has bilateral relations with each of the countries in the region.
 
4
The coordinated action of the EU finds its first inclusion in the treaties in 1986 (CFSP and ESDP), until the creation, through the Lisbon Treaty of 2009, of the figure of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and a service of Foreign Action and its own legal capacity to sign agreements with States and international organisations.
 
5
Currently, Syria is not involved in the programme.
 
6
The ongoing missions and operations in the MENA region are EUAM-Iraq launched 2017. The EUAM-RCA Central African Republic, established in 2019. The EUBAM-Libya established in 2013. The EUBAM-Rafah for the Rafah Crossing Point since 2007. The EUCAP Sahel-Mali, launched on January 15, 2015. The EUCAP Sahel-Niger, opening in 2012. The EUCAP Somalia launched in 2016. EUMPM-Niger, under the European Peace Facility, launched recently, in 2021. EUNAVFOR MED IRINI (European Union Naval Force) in Libya to implement the UN arms embargo. The EUNAVFOR Somalia (Atalanta) is a counter-piracy military operation conducted at sea off the Horn of Africa and in the Western Indian Ocean, launched in 2008. EUPOL COPPS/Palestinian territories (EU Police and Rule of Law Mission for the occupied Palestinian territory) established in 2006. EU-RACC Sahel (EU Regional Advisory and Coordination Cell for the Sahel) was deployed in 2019 to support G5 Sahel structures. EUTM Mali (European Union Training Mission in Mali), launched in 2013 and with mandate extended until May 18, 2024. UTM RCA (European Union Training Mission in Central African Republic) in the third extended mandate. EUTM Somalia launched in 2010. https://​www.​eeas.​europa.​eu/​eeas/​missions-and-operations_​en#11927
 
7
In December 2012, the government of the Republic of Mali—a former French colony in West Africa—asked the French government to help it push back radical Islamist insurgents in the north. Operation Serval is the name of the subsequent French military operation in Mali from January 2013 through July 2014. As of November 2014, French troops remain in Africa’s Sahel region to help Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, and Niger counter terrorists (Tramond & Seigneur, 2014).
 
8
The French-led Operation Barkhane succeeded Operation Serval in August 2014, but with a much wider geographic focus. The force, with approximately 4500 soldiers, is spread out between Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad. The operation finished on November 2022.
 
9
This term was coined referring to the concept of “proxy-war” (Pontijas, 2020). In this sense, I use it in terms of regional competition, from the existing confrontation for regional hegemony (without reaching the conflict) by delegation between powers. Thus, in this area, the great powers are United States, Russia, and China, would seek to achieve their own interests without getting directly involved in the actions of the states, in this case, Morocco and Algeria.
 
10
Although Morocco establishes itself as the first country to recognize the US independence in 1977, it was the sultan Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdullah who, to impulse trade. On December 20, 1777, he decreed those American ships, as with has been proceed with other European ships, could freely enter Moroccan ports. It was really a unilateral act, and US government was not aware of that until years later. However, US government sent ambassadors to France in 1778 and to Spain in 1779.
 
11
Border conflict between Algeria and Morocco in October 1963 resulted largely from the Moroccan government’s claim to portions of Algeria’s Tindouf and Béchar provinces.
 
12
By Majzen, we refer to the Moroccan political, economic and social power structure that places in the decision-making powers for the Alawite monarchy.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Spanish Security Policy in the Greater Maghreb: Skeletons in the Closet, Commonplaces and Irrelevance
verfasst von
Raquel Barras Tejudo
Copyright-Jahr
2024
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-58550-0_7

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