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Erschienen in: Contemporary Islam 1/2015

01.01.2015

“Spirits are like microbes”: Islamic revival and the definition of morality in Moroccan exorcism

verfasst von: Josep Lluís Mateo Dieste

Erschienen in: Contemporary Islam | Ausgabe 1/2015

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Abstract

This article analyses the revitalisation of Islamic exorcism in Morocco since the 1990s and how its practitioners legitimise it as a ritual largely adapted to theological orthodoxy. The rhetoric of these exorcists on spirit possession defines certain afflictions as an intromission of the genies (jnun) into the body by physical mechanisms, comparable to the processes undertaken by microbes. From interviews and observation of ritual exorcism of Moroccan faqihs in Tetuan and Barcelona, I analyse their techniques and the way they legitimise them. I conclude that the moral intervention of religious specialists through Koranic recitation becomes effective throughout a dynamic worldview that reinforces old basic assumptions about a physical intercourse between jnun and humans. At the same time, with the revitalisation of the ritual, many Koranic exorcists incorporate new rhetorics to demonstrate scientifically the materiality of the jnun and their effects on the possessed bodies. But Moroccan Koranic healers not only rework definitions of affliction and legitimise the physical agency of the jnun, they also contribute to define gendered experiences of the body as far as women are conceived as the favorite and weakest victims of the genies.

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Fußnoten
1
The main original data analysed in this article proceed from three basic fieldwork sources: my observant participation in roqya rituals, interviews carried out between 2007 and 2011 with five faqihs in Barcelona, six faqihs in Tetuan and one in Tangier, as well as informal conversations with Moroccan families about possession and jnun.
 
2
Based on Hadith and compilations of later authors like Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawiziyya (d. 1350) or al-Suyuti (1445–1505). See Elgood (1962).
 
3
The concept of al-ghaib—the absent world—dominates the Islamic canonical model to refer to the invisible world not revealed to humans, the world of the jnun, the angels and the ruh, or the divine principle that gives life to humans (Drieskens 2008: 107–108).
 
4
The main erudite opinions debate between (1) the need to modernise Islam and incorporate Western science; (2) rejection of this imitation; and (3) the Islamisation of science, or the idea of envisaging an Islamic science. See Hoodbhoy (1991) and Guessoum (2010).
 
5
3rd Conference on Scientific Miracles in the Koran and the Sunna, Faculté des Sciences, Université Abdelmalek Essaadi, Tetuan, 17–19 September 2010 (the first conference was held in 2005).
 
6
Mustafa (Asilah, July 2005).
 
7
For this discussion about multiple modernities and the critique to ethnocentric notions of the modern, see Kahn (2001) and Deeb (2006).
 
8
The term adorcism refers to those spirit possession cults where ritual work does not expel them and bring the possession to an end, but maintains and reproduces belief in the possession and the dependence of the possessed person with respect to the spirit.
 
9
There may be a third form, if we can call it that, which would not strictly fit with De Heusch’s typology: the “cult of the saints”. In this case, one waits for the barakah of the saint or of the prophet's descendent (sharif) to intercede with the jnun, given the powers attributed to them in life or by a visit to their grave (Dermenghem 1982).
 
10
In fact, since the penetration of Islamic Reformism in the Maghreb at the end of nineteenth century, the critique of the saints and the role played by the brotherhoods became one of the main topics of public debate. See Munson (1993).
 
11
Some exploratory research allows us to confirm that around 40 % of the population are using exclusively biomedicine, and that around 60% are combining traditional medicine with modern medicine (Hmamouchi 1999: 27). In the case of mental illness, and according to the Ibn Rushd University Psychiatric Center in Casablanca, 70% of patients use traditional healers before, during or after treatment in the hospital (Kadri et al. 2004: 627). In the “Enquête nationale sur les valeurs” (October 2004), respondents chose as first choice modern doctors (46%), followed by traditional formulas (25%), pharmacy (24%), visiting shrines (2%) or nurses (2 %) (Rachik 2005: 37, 44–48).
 
12
Étienne (1980: 266). Radi (1996) defends this perspective when comparing several faqihs and shuwwafas in Khénifra.
 
13
The shawada category is cited by Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) as one of the three forms of magic, but is understood as an illusion, like a lie (Lakhsassi 2007: 101–102). It is a disappointing magic, even though, in parallel, Theology condemned its practice, just like effective magic (Doutté 1984: 345–46).
 
14
In an article about traditional medicine, Moroccan psychiatrist Driss Moussaoui contrasts scientific reason with the irrationality of traditional treatments, based on “popular beliefs”: “Can traditional healing be integrated to co-exist with psychiatry? According to evidence, no. These are two different worlds and, like water and oil, they are not miscible” (Moussaoui 2007: 120).
 
15
There are a wide range of authors, from the young bricoleurs situated in Europe, such as the tablighi Ben Halima (2001, 2005), to the more Salafist views of the Ifta Commission of Saudi Arabia (al-Jeraissy 2002).
 
16
In recent years, recitation products on CDs have been replaced by mp3 and mp4 files transmitted mainly by mobile telephone and popular webs like youtube (http://​www.​youtube.​com/​). See also Spadola (2004).
 
17
Treatises on the interpretation of dreams known as Tafsir al-manam, which include those attributed to Muhammad ibn Sirin (653–729), based on the Hadith of Abu Huraira.
 
18
Bodily complaints that indicate the presence of a jinn: headaches, migraine, persistent pain in a limb or all over the body, flushes or burning sensations when reading the Koran, tightness in the chest as night falls, eyesight problems (visions, lights, etc.).
 
19
Mental distraction and absence, idleness and laziness, talking to oneself or abstaining from talking, obsessive thoughts.
 
20
The texts that are chanted the most are those about the jnun, which contain the most beautiful names of Al-lah or which describe the punishments of hell: the “ayah of the throne” (ayat al-kursi, verse 255 of sura 2, The Cow), and the suras 72 (al-jnun), 112 (al-ikhlas), 113 (al-falaq). This recitation is considered a complete provocation to irritate the jinn and make its presence shown.
 
21
Maskun (inhabited, indicates a longer residence), majnun (ravished by a jinn), madrub (hit, which indicates a powerful, yet brief contact), markub (ridden), mamluk (possessed), maslukh (rubbed to the point of bleeding), malbus (wearing, covered), makhtuf (enraptured) or matrush (slapped). Often the person is under the power of various jnun, in which case the term is mkhal-lat or “mixed” (Boughali 1988: 261).
 
22
Crapanzano (1985). There is a whole range of classical references on the subject, which have been revived again in modern-day Egypt. See Leemhuis (1995) or the ethnographic Palestinian cases recounted by Rothenberg (2004).
 
23
Faqih Bufrahi (Tetuan, May 2010).
 
24
Faqih Taleb (Tetuan, April 2010).
 
25
Hjab (amulet) against infertility, made before us by a faqih from a Tetuan slum. The faqih also attributes the problem to the presence of a jinn in the vagina (Tetuan, May 2010).
 
26
Nasr (Manresa, March 2009). Jnun thus have a sophisticated anatomical knowledge of the human body or matter.
 
27
They can for instance cause deformities in offspring. This explanation provided by one of the faqihs had a profound impact on me, seeing as another one of the faqihs with whom I had forged a close relationship had a child who was tetraplegic.
 
28
Interview with a faqih from Tetuan who practised the roqya shaarawiyya in his own home. He attributes his powers to a dual combination of‘ilm, a knowledge of the Koran acquired in a madrasa in Marrakech, and the Barakah obtained as a result of his status of descendent of the Idrissi shurfa (Tetuan, March 2010).
 
29
Incident in Barcelona, May 2013.
 
30
Boddy (1994) and Luig (2001) have summarised the three main approaches: psychological approaches; those who think that possession is a sociological and functional protest mechanism (Lewis 1989); and hermeneutic approaches, which present possession as a mechanism of knowledge and communication. Personally, I do not believe that the interesting phenomenological contributions should contradict the sociological approach, given that all knowledge has its place socially, and the possession rites also express social conflicts (Fry 1976) and can be read as historical texts (Stoler 1992; Mageo 1996).
 
31
This notion about people links female weakness to a less developed reasoning (‘aql) with regard to emotions and a physiological constitution that attracts the jnun through menstruation.
 
32
To read more about this dimension of possession as a communication and construction process for meanings and values by means of the faqih, host and jinn triad, see Lambek (1980).
 
33
Ulema Buzzian (Tetuan, May 2010).
 
34
On the other hand, the relationship between these specialists and the biomedical system is far more complex. Most of the faqihs interviewed were confident in their ability to distinguish between the ailments caused by jnun, magic or the evil eye, and illnesses attributable to other physical mechanisms and treated by medicine. In this case, once the first cause has been ruled out, it is advisable to go and see a physician.
 
35
Faqih al-‘Afiya (Tangier, August 2008).
 
36
Buzzian (Tetuan, May 2010).
 
37
“A good Muslim is not one whose belief conforms to a given pattern, whose commitment may be expressed in intellectual terms that are congruent with an accepted statement (…), but one whose commitment may be expressed in practical terms that conform to an accepted code”, Cantwell-Smith (1959: 28).
 
38
For comparative purposes, about 100 years ago Westermarck (1899: 254) told of how cholera epidemics were attributed to armies of jnun.
 
39
Buzzian (Tetuan, April 2010).
 
40
Interview with Nasr (Manresa, Barcelona, March 2009).
 
41
Maher Abou Moussab Arraqui, who is originally Moroccan (and whose chosen name means “the one who practises roqya”), does roqya in France. On his website (http://​www.​maher.​fr) there are some explanatory videos on the use of preventative roqya, which also warn of the dangers of charlatans and stress the importance of carrying out the Koranic roqya. Anyone can establish for themselves whether they are affected by a jinn or are the victim of magic (sihr), the evil eye or envy thanks to some tests.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
“Spirits are like microbes”: Islamic revival and the definition of morality in Moroccan exorcism
verfasst von
Josep Lluís Mateo Dieste
Publikationsdatum
01.01.2015
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
Erschienen in
Contemporary Islam / Ausgabe 1/2015
Print ISSN: 1872-0218
Elektronische ISSN: 1872-0226
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-014-0312-0

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