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Erschienen in:
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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

1. Struggle, Suffering, and Symbols: Narratives of Nationalism and Representing Identity

verfasst von : Catherine E. Arthur

Erschienen in: Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This introductory chapter situates the book within contemporary scholarship on Timor-Leste. It presents the theoretical framework for the study, drawing on Benedict Anderson’s thesis of ‘imagined communities’ and incorporating anthropological theories of symbols. Symbolic capital is of critical importance to the study, since it is this capital that gives the symbols and the actors that use them power and influence. Consequently, sociological theories of symbolic capital by Pierre Bourdieu and of symbolic conflict are outlined. The chapter then offers a brief history of the half-island and an overview of East Timorese nationalism since its formal stirrings in the 1970s. It traces the evolution of national identity from the original Maubere identity through to contemporary state narratives that place the tenets of funu (struggle) and terus (suffering) at the fore of official ‘East Timorese-ness’.

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Nächstes Kapitel Flying the Nation’s Colours: Commemorations of the Past and the National Flag of Timor-Leste
Fußnoten
1
Nation-building differs from state-building in that the latter focuses primarily on state institutions and developing the political infrastructure of a state, whereas the former is concerned with fostering a collective identity, rooted in a common history and shared cultural heritage.
 
2
It is interesting to note that one of the motivations cited for tackling illiteracy in the National Development Plan was a national consultation that found that 70% of the population prioritised education as one of the three most important sectors to be developed, followed by health (RDTL Planning Commission 2002; see also Boon 2007).
 
3
Jacqueline Aquino Siapno has critiqued the lack of local language use in contemporary research on the half-island (2013).
 
4
The interviews cited in this book were all conducted during my fieldwork in either Tetun or English. Where translations have been offered throughout, they are my own.
 
5
Origin myths in Timor-Leste recount the tale of a crocodile that, stranded on land and near death, was saved by a little boy who returned him to the sea. The crocodile befriended the boy and they travelled the world together. When it came time for the crocodile die, he turned his body into a beautiful island for the boy to live on as a way of showing his gratitude and friendship to the boy (see Wise 2006, p. 211).
 
6
Portuguese colonisation of the island of Timor began in the early sixteenth century and the Dutch colonial powers invaded the western half of the island in the early seventeenth century. After numerous conflicts, the border between east and west Timor was established in 1749, and has not altered significantly since the (see Hägerdal 2006, 2007).
 
7
It is important to note that the final figures vary depending on the source. The final report from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CAVR) however states that the Indonesian military forces were responsible for the deaths of at least 180,000 East Timorese (see Comissão de Acolhimento Verdade e Reconciliação 2006).
 
8
Such scholars include Matthew Jardine (1999), Arnold S. Kohen and John Taylor (1979), Ben Kiernan (2002), Paul Hainsworth and Stephen McCloskey (2000), Ian Martin (2001), John Pilger (1994, 2010), Charles Scheiner, Jill Jolliffe, and Geoffrey Robinson, for example, as well as activists and lobbyists for independence.
 
9
See Michael Leach in particular for studies on language policy (2003, 2008).
 
10
For in-depth discussions of veterans and their post-independence political situation, see Kate Roll (2011, 2014), and Gordon Peake (2009).
 
11
While other schools of thought, principally Ethnosymbolism, led by Anthony D. Smith (1987; 1991, 1999a, b, 2009), contest the invented and constructed nature of nations, there is agreement over the agency of the collective in their (re)interpretation of history and heritage. Ethnosymbolists counter the argument of construction or invention with one of ‘reinterpretation of pre-existing cultural motifs and of reconstruction of earlier ethnic ties and sentiments,’ which still affirms the agency of the collective (Smith 2013, p. 90, emphasis in the original).
 
12
For criticisms of Benedict Anderson’s theory of imagined communities, see Jonathan Culler and Pheng Cheah (2003), and Nor Faridah A. Manaf and Mohammad A. Quayum (2011). Anderson addresses such criticisms in the preface of Imagined Communities (2006, pp. xi–xv).
 
13
Chapter 4 will discuss the significance of Dom Boaventura as a constructed exemplar and iconic figure within processes of nation-building.
 
14
Simon Harrison writes these conflicts in about Northern Ireland, which is renowned for the political and cultural significance of flags and murals in relation to social divisions. These social divides stem from the ethnic conflict of the Troubles (1969–1998), which itself is a legacy of British colonialism.
 
15
Whilst the Portuguese powers were resolved to devolve power back to their colonies, the focus of the decolonization process seemed to be centred on the African colonies of Angola and Mozambique. In Timor-Leste, the same process was not implemented or completed and the Portuguese withdrew abruptly as a result of the civil war. This was reflective of the detached attitude of the Portuguese colonial administration towards the territory. This is perhaps best captured by British naturalist and anthropologist Lord Alfred Wallace, who observed: ‘the Portuguese government of Timor is a most miserable one. Nobody seems to care the least about the improvement of the country’ (1869). I use the term ‘decolonization’ here to refer to the withdrawal of Portugal from the territory.
 
16
The CAVR report also documented the violence and fratricide of the civil war (2006, pp. 40–52).
 
17
The Mambai people are the second largest ethnic group in Timor-Leste, located primarily in the central highlands.
 
18
Fretilin was the pro-independence organization that evolved from the original ASDT (Associação Social Democrata Timorense), formed in Apri–May 1974. The organization was reformed and renamed five months later.
 
19
For an account of the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste that highlights the human rights abuses and violence suffered, see Geoffrey Robinson (2009).
 
20
‘A personality of struggle, of sweat and of determination to overcome the obstacles.’ Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão was the leader of the resistance movement and has held the offices of President and Prime Minister In the post-independence state. See Chapter 5 for an analysis of his cult following in national politics, and the role if his hero status in contemporary imaginings of national identity.
 
21
Reference to Maubere and Mauberism are used in election campaigning by Fretilin but generally not by other political parties because of the historic partisan connections.
 
22
Alfredo Reinado was one of the most famous of the Petitioners because of his escape from prison and evasion of capture for nearly two years. Chapter 4 discusses his influence on national politics and his role in the 2006 Crisis in detail.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Struggle, Suffering, and Symbols: Narratives of Nationalism and Representing Identity
verfasst von
Catherine E. Arthur
Copyright-Jahr
2019
Buch
Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-98781-1

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-98782-8

Copyright-Jahr: 2019

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98782-8_1