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2015 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

The Corporatist Antagonism to Economic Dynamism

verfasst von : Juan Vicente Sola

Erschienen in: Achieving Dynamism in an Anaemic Europe

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This paper intends to describe the common traits of ‘corporatism’ both as an economic and political movement. The essence of corporatism is confusion in its theories and institutions and that characteristic has made its definition very complex. The paper indicates the existence of nine political myths in corporatist systems: the myth of unity, the myth of populism, the myth of the charismatic forms of power, the myth of politics as epic; the myth of progress against capitalist individualism, the myth of autarky, the myth of industrialization and the myth of politics as the dialectics of friend-enemy. Many of these political myths are effective in many present day democratic societies and prevent the development of a healthy and dynamic economy. Corporatist doctrines and institutions are the cause of the economic stagnation around the world. Corporatist doctrinaires are the “long defunct economists” that influence present day statesmen even beyond their conscious knowledge, having serious consequences in the dynamism of their economies. Corporatism is the adversary of individualism and a dynamic economy.

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Fußnoten
1
In this paper we shall use the terms “corporatism” and “corporativism”, as synonyms although in English the word “corporatism” may have other meanings that are not referred to here.
 
2
This late XIXth, century debate on the social question coincided with the debate of the future of socialism between the more aggressive forms proposed by Karl Kautsky and the social democracy of Eduard Bernstein in 1899 and 1900.
 
3
According to Duby (1980), the three medieval orders were a product of imagination of contemporary authors but had no strict basis in reality.
 
4
Partidocracy in Italian Partitocrazia means a political regime in which the real power has its centers in parties and not in any organs provided for in the Constitution. Professor Joseph Maranini, which he called Governo parlamentare e partitocrazia in his inaugural lecture at the University of Florence in 1949.
 
5
These doctrines were reformed in latter pontifical documents, mainly ‘Mater et Magistra’ Encyclical OF Pope John XXIII On Christianity and Social Progress May 15, 1961 and in ‘Octogesima Adveniens.A Call to Action Encyclical Letter of Pope Paul VI, issued on May 14, 1971.
 
6
Quoted in Sunstein (2006).
 
7
Natural order could be defined as the moral source from which natural law derives its authority. It incorporates the natural relations of beings to one another, in the absence of law, which natural law attempts to reinforce.
 
8
Schmitter (1974).
 
9
Schmitter (1974) at 93.
 
10
De Felice and Ledeen (1979, p. 75).
 
11
The Spanish version of fascism is ‘falangism’ after the “Falange Española” created by Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera. See Payne (1985).
 
12
Mussolini, 7 volumes, 1965–1997 (Turin 1965–97).
 
13
Hitler consolidation in power was performed by two relatively innocuous acts, the federal intervention of the State of Prussia and the Emergency powers act after the fire in the Reichstag.
 
14
Written after the Russian Revolution and during the existence of the Weimar Constitution, Schmitt analyses the problem of the state of emergency and the power of the President of the Reich in declaring it. Dictatorship, Schmitt argues, is a necessary legal institution in constitutional law.
 
15
For a contemporary application of Schmitt’s ideas on presidential power and the Constitution see Eric (2011, p. 4 and 113 onwards).
 
16
The classical defense of the power of the President as a custodian of the Constitution against judicial Review in the American tradition is Schmitt (1931) and widely translated. The title referring to the President means de Defender of the Constitution.
 
17
Opera Nazionale Balilla was the student and paramilitary organ National Fascist Party (PNF) of Italy. Mussolini’s youths were called Balilla after Giovan Battista Perasso, “Balilla” young Genoese who had begun the uprising against the occupying Austrians in 1746. Balilla was a revolutionary image very seductive to the fascist dictatorship.
 
18
The Estado Novo (“New State”), or the Second Republic, was the corporatist authoritarian regime installed in Portugal in 1933. It was established following the army-led coup d'état of 28 May 1926 against the democratic but unstable First Republic. The Estado Novo, greatly inspired by conservative and authoritarian ideologies, was developed by António de Oliveira Salazar, ruler of Portugal from 1932 to 1968. The motto of the regime was “Deus, Pátria e Familia”.
 
19
Estado Novo (New State) is the name of the political regime founded by Getulio Vargas on November 10, 1937, which lasted until October 29, 1945. The 1937 Constitution had the nickname “Polish” designation used to show that the Brazilian Constitution of 1937 was largely influenced by the authoritarian constitution of Poland.
 
20
Union de Estudiantes Secundarios and the Confederacion General Universitaria.
 
21
Gillespie (1982). See especially chapters 1 and 2 on the evolution of the youth from the original catholic nationalism to the left, from the ‘50s. onward. The name “Montoneros” came from informal militias used by provincial strongmen and governors in the XIX century.
 
22
Oro alla Patria was a manifestation of national character, organized by the fascist regime, which took place in Italy December 18, 1935, during which the Italians were called to donate to donate their wedding rings in order to support the costs of war and cope with the difficulties of sanctions. Iron wedding rings were used instead.
 
23
See Particularly the Study on Sovereignty p. 93 and The Saint Petersburg Diaries p. 183. Cioran (1992, p. 22).
 
24
Vicomte de Bonald 1796.
 
25
Cortés (1837). In his Political Theology (1922), Carl Schmitt devotes large portions of his final chapter (“On the Counterrevolutionary Philosophy of the State”) to Donoso Cortés, praising him for recognizing the importance of the decision and of the concept of sovereignty. He also influenced Georges Sorel.
 
26
His book Elementi di scienza politica published in 1896, was translated as The Ruling Class, he is credited as the developper of the theory of elites. He influenced american authors as Seymour Martin Lipset, C. Wright Mills.
 
27
See Maurras (1973).
 
28
For the traditional nationalist thought see Marysa (1964). In the Spanish version Los Nacionalistas. Buenos Aires 1968, indicates the year 1964 as the date of the association between nationalists and Marxist militants. See also Rock (1993).
 
29
James Burnham started being a Trotskyite and ended as probably the first neo conservative. His books widely translated and read in Latin America are: The Managerial Revolution: What is Happening in the World. New York: John Day Co., 1941. The Machiavellians: Defenders of Freedom New York: John Day Co., 1943, where he analyses the work of Gaetano Mosca, Sorel, Michels and Pareto.
 
30
Cardenal (1974), also Castro (1974). Cardenal a priest from Nicaragua he wrote this book in defense of the Cuban revolution. Pope John Paul II publicly chastised him in 1983.
 
31
Boff is a Brazilian Franciscan Priest and professor of Theology. See Boff (1987).
 
32
For example the cover of the respected Catholic review Criterio stated in the Christmas number of 1976 ‘to learn to be poor’ meant as a virtue. Criterio, Diciembre 1976, “Aprender a ser pobres”. Buenos Aires.
 
33
La comunidad organizada. Conferencia magistral del Excmo. Señor Presidente de la Nación, general Juan D. Perón, al cierre del Primer Congreso Nacional de Filosofía. Mendoza, 9 de abril de 1949.
 
34
El sentido ultimo de la ética consiste en la corrección del egoísmo.
 
35
Although corporatism can flourish without a formal leader, it could be a bureaucratic system that can survive the original creator. The possibility is rare but the case of Portugal with Oliveira Salazar is an example.
 
36
The seventh of the Twenty Peronist Truths says: 7. Ningún Peronista debe sentirse mas de lo que es, ni menos de lo que debe ser. Cuando un Peronista comienza a sentirse mas de lo que es, empieza a convertirse en oligarca.
 
37
Día de la Lealtad, October 17th, after the popular movement in 1945.
 
38
Cooke (1972, p. 27). Also Gillespie (1989, p. 32).
 
39
Carlyle (1857). Dr. Francia, p. 249.
 
40
Carlyle (1905).
 
41
For example Jose Maria Rosa who wrote eight volumes of Argentine History finalized in 1980 and is an intellectual transition from the traditional Catholic nationalism to populist corporatism. Francia is best described in the novel by Bastos (1985). English version: 1986.
 
42
See also Chang 2002, pp. 19–51, 59–66), also see Henderson (1983).
 
43
It must be said that when President of Brazil Fernando Henrique Cardoso, acted in a much different manner that what his book promoted.
 
44
Prebisch (1948). See also Dosman (2008).
 
45
Probably the most quoted phrase written by Keynes is ‘But let goods be homespun whenever it is reasonably and conveniently possible, and, above all, let finance be primarily national.’ in Keynes (1933, pp. 755–769).
 
46
Krugman (2006) says: Book VI, at the opposite end of The General Theory, really is a kind of dessert course. Keynes, the hard work of creating macroeconomics as we know it behind him, kicks up his heels and has a little fun. In particular, the final two chapters of The General Theory, though full of interesting ideas, have an impish quality. Keynes tells us that the famous victory of free trade over protectionism may have been won on false pretensesthat the mercantilists had a point. He tells us that the “euthanasia of the rentier” [376] may be imminent, because thrift no longer serves a social function. One cannot really blame third world politicians of being of being mercantilists if protectionism is sustained by both a historic economist like Keynes and a Nobel laureate like Krugman.
 
47
The term “wheels of history” (ruedas de la historia) was used by Fidel Castro to define the triumph of the revolution.
 
48
The titles of the chapters in Julien Freund. L’Essence du politique. 1981, are very eloquent. Chap. III, Le Commandement et l’obeissance, p. 101. Chap. VIII, La dialectique de l’ami et de l’ennemi: la lutte, p. 538.
 
49
A Latin term literally meaning “against all”, it indicates that the contracts are obligatory even to those that did not agree to them or signed them.
 
50
Falkner (1998), Lavdas (2005), Ottaway (2001), Smismans (2004), Yee (2004).
 
51
Smismans (2003) and Compston (2003).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Corporatist Antagonism to Economic Dynamism
verfasst von
Juan Vicente Sola
Copyright-Jahr
2015
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14099-5_10