2.1 The Effect of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Life Satisfaction
The COVID-19 pandemic and its countermeasures have challenged individual life satisfaction by disrupting daily life across various domains. In this study, individual life satisfaction is defined as an overall evaluation of life referring to predefined goals and subjective criteria, including an individual’s life circumstances and long-term consequences of life events (Diener,
1984). To illustrate the origins and mechanisms underlying life satisfaction, we draw upon the social production function theory. This theory posits that individuals actively produce their own subjective well-being, i.e., life satisfaction,
1 by optimizing the attainment of two universal goals: physical well-being and social well-being (Lindenberg,
1996; Ormel et al.,
1999).
Crucial factors for the individual’s evaluation of life are life domains such as work and leisure time or social life, as they provide opportunities for the fulfillment of significant life goals. In terms of physical well-being, factors like occupation and income, associated with the work sphere, can be expected to affect individual life satisfaction due to their impact on individual status and comfort levels. Leisure activities, such as sports, hobbies, and group activities are closely linked to an individual’s level of stimulation and activation. Regarding social well-being, social relationships emerge as major sources of behavioral confirmation and affection and provide, among other things, material, emotional and informational support in difficult situations (Argyle,
1999; Argyle & Martin,
1991; Ormel et al.,
1999).
During the COVID-19 pandemic, countermeasures, especially those associated with social distancing, disrupted most of the areas essential to individual life satisfaction. For example, through COVID-19 pandemic measures, certain professions could not be carried out, working hours had to be reduced, and exchanges as well as cooperation had to be reconstructed, leading to a disruption of daily working routines and income. Similarly, due to these restrictions, some leisure activities–especially group activities–were no longer possible, resulting in fewer potentially positive experiences. Alongside the contact restrictions, these measures simultaneously diminished social relationships, resulting in a decline in crucial material and personal resources. This situation poses a threat to essential individual goals and needs, which are vital for a positive life evaluation. Therefore, we derive our first hypothesis:
The reasons described above that affect life satisfaction may also affect the sense of social belonging. Social belonging reflects individuals’ deep feelings of connection with social groups, physical places, and individual and collective experiences (Allen et al.,
2021). Feelings of social belonging depend on individual’s competencies, opportunities, motivations and perceptions. In the absence of any extraordinary circumstances, individuals develop a set of skills and abilities to connect and belong to others. If individuals have the opportunity to belong, that is, if they are able to connect with others through the availability of groups, people, places, times, and spaces (Allen et al.,
2021), they may be able to form connections with others. However, the depth of these connections depends on underlying motivations, which can be defined as the need for social belonging. Furthermore, the extent to which individuals evaluate their level of social belonging is influenced by their individual perceptions. It can be posited that a sense of social belonging can only be achieved when all the requisite conditions are met (Allen et al.,
2021).
In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, however, the opportunities for individuals to experience social belonging were vulnerable to disruption. The implementation of social distancing measures and lockdowns made it impossible to engage with friends and close relatives in the same manner as before the pandemic. In addition, participation in collective experiences and connecting to places has not only changed, but in some cases was no longer possible (e.g. group activities). Consequently, these opportunities vanished, leading to a reduction in real-life social experiences, which inevitably should have affected the individual's sense of social belonging.
In addition, the quality of opportunities for social belonging may have changed due to the pandemic situations. When it came to interactions with other individuals or in a group, it was different due to the measures such as keeping distance and wearing a mask, and people had to adapt to these new regulations. These changes could influence the quality and pleasantness of the encounters. While virtual interaction increased (e.g., Lange,
2020), the extent to which technology can replace face-to-face interactions remains uncertain (Allen et al.,
2021). Consequently, disruptions in social experiences may result in diminished feelings of connection with others and less positive evaluations of these experiences, which in turn may lead to a diminished sense of belonging.
Taken together, the reduction in opportunities and changes in social experiences may lead to a negative effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on individuals’ sense of social belonging. This brings us to our second hypothesis:
Building on the basic assumptions of social production function theory (Lindenberg,
1996; Ormel et al.,
1999), we argue that the COVID-19 pandemic and its associated countermeasures had a detrimental impact on individuals' life satisfaction by affecting individuals social belonging levels. This is because the concept of social belonging is of significant importance in the context of social well-being, as it reflects the attainment and the utilization of valuable resources in the instrumental goals of social well-being. These instrumental goals are affection, behavioral confirmation, and status (Steverink & Lindenberg,
2006). The concept of social belonging encompasses the individual's confirmation in their interactions with others, both in personal contacts and in collective settings. This is an important basic condition for the feeling of behavioral affirmation. Furthermore, social belonging reflects one's level of affection, with those who exhibit high levels of social belonging perceiving their contacts as satisfying. Moreover, social belonging is an essential resource for individual’s perceptions of social status. Only if someone can have social experiences and experience them as satisfying can the individual realize their social status. Thus, social belonging summarizes essential resources for achieving the individual`s goals in producing wellbeing, and can be considered a crucial determinant of life satisfaction (c.f. Hommerich & Tiefenbach,
2018; Mellor et al.,
2008). Driving from the relevance of these resources related to social belonging for overall well-being, i.e., life satisfaction, we propose that the sense of social belonging should be a significant mediator in the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on life satisfaction. This is because our feeling of belonging undergoes changes when opportunities to belong are disrupted and perceptions of social belonging changes by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. This might result in lower levels of affection as individuals no longer perceive the limited contacts as satisfying. In addition, since they do not feel belong in the similar way, experiences of behavioral confirmation as well as the experience of social status are reduced. All of which lead to a decrease in life satisfaction. These effects may be observed throughout the COVID-19 pandemic period since adjustments to the new situation as well as efforts to achieve goals through other means were significantly impeded by various interventions in all aspects of life. Hence, a part of the overall COVID-19-related changes in life satisfaction should be explained by changes in the sense of social belonging. Based on these theoretical arguments, we derive our third hypothesis:
2.2 Moderation by Individuals’ Age
As one important factor of dealing with the COVID-19 pandemics’ negative effects on social life, age might be of relevance due to its association with specific aims, cognitions and coping strategies. As older adults are a very heterogeneous group, we primarily focus here on the younger old, aged between 65 and 74 (Baltes & Smith,
2003), a life period typically connected to retirement and associated with significant changes in life circumstances that may also affect social life (e.g., Comi et al.,
2022). Moreover, we address older adults residing outside nursing homes to ensure meaningful comparisons between age groups based on the presented theory.
In accordance with the principles of the social production function theory and its extension to successful aging, the relative salience, opportunities, and availability of resources to fulfil evolving needs change with higher age (Steverink & Lindenberg,
2006). Drawing on the arguments of the social production function theory, one could posit that social belonging becomes increasingly important in later life. As individuals age, certain instrumental goals (e.g., social status provided by one’s occupation) may become more difficult to achieve. However, social well-being can still be maintained by focusing on other resources (e.g., intimate ties). This shift in priorities makes goals related to experiencing affection more crucial in older age. In essence, the significance of social belonging increases with age, emerging as a vital component in the overall well-being and successful aging of older individuals.
Moreover, beyond the previously mentioned arguments, changes in the availability of resources with advancing age are not the sole factor. Goals and cognition also play a crucial role. Carstensen, for example, states in her socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen,
2006; Carstensen et al.,
1999) that late life is marked by a motivational shift driven by perceived constraints on time. When time is perceived as limited, which is typically associated with higher age, people prioritize emotionally meaningful goals over goals about exploration and expanding horizons. According to the socioemotional selectivity theory, these changes in cognition and memory by age lead to a growing focus on emotion regulation and control mechanisms that favor positive over negative information—an effect known as the positivity effect in memory (Mather & Carstensen,
2005). Hence, by focusing on emotional goals, older adults remember in ways that enhance their well-being (Mather,
2012; Mather & Carstensen,
2005). This emphasis on positive information may serve as a compensatory mechanism for the lack of goal achievement without any form of substitution.
In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, these cognitive processes might become crucial. Even amid challenging circumstances, older adults, in contrast to their younger counterparts, are likely to direct their attention and memory to emotionally meaningful goals, fostering positive affect and well-being (Carstensen et al.,
1999; Mather & Carstensen,
2005). By doing so, older adults might mitigate the potential negative impact of the pandemic on their emotional well-being and, consequently, protect their life satisfaction from the adverse effects of this period without compensating through increased efforts to satisfy needs for affection, as suggested by the social production function theory (cf. Carstensen et al.,
2020; Steverink & Lindenberg,
2006). Understanding these cognitive processes sheds light on the resilience of older individuals in the face of external challenges and emphasizes the role of emotion-focused goals in shaping their overall well-being.
In addition, Brandtstädter and colleagues (Brandtstädter & Renner,
1990; Brandtstädter et al.,
1993) have proposed that the coping strategy of accommodation becomes more important in older age compared to assimilation. Both strategies aim at maintaining a positive view on the self. While assimilation focuses on changing the situation, accommodation seeks to change personal aims and goals, the latter being especially useful for situations, which are difficult to control, as is the case with a global pandemic. Here, older adults are assumed to have an advantage, as they are more experienced in using this strategy. Since older adults differ in their way of dealing with negative emotions and circumstances, their life satisfaction should be less impaired by COVID-19 pandemic-related threats when compared to younger adults. Consequently, although they might undergo similar changes in social belonging, these alterations may not result in a comparable reduction in life satisfaction, resulting in age-related differences in the mediation effect. Consequently, we derive our last hypothesis: