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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

5. The Ethiopian Revolutionary State

verfasst von : Berhanu Abegaz

Erschienen in: A Tributary Model of State Formation

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter explores how the twin forces of post-war globalization and the imperatives of modernization changed the terms of power play between Ethiopian state elites and non-state actors to produce radical institutional changes. The Revolutionary State (RS) upstaged the old order but failed in many important respects to devise enduring institution that resonate with societal norms and changing needs. One consequence of the changes in the material basis of the state is the hyper-centralization of the state and the other is the institutionalization of a mixed bag of inclusion and exclusion, both of which undermined many laudable gains in the project of nation-state building during 1855–1974 in exchange for largely symbolic victories.

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Fußnoten
1
Since my objective here is to identify notable continuities and significant changes in the history of Ethiopian state formation, I had to give a short shrift to two strands of literature on the revolutionary state. One strand analyzes the genesis and performance of the two post-1974 regimes by academics as well as members of various political groups which have been contending for state power. The second strand, properly dubbed Eritreanism, is intensely vitriolic and politically self-serving as evidenced by such fanciful claims as Ethiopia being a country only a century old or Ethiopia being ‘invented’ by the bogeyman of a “black-colonialist” Menelik II.
 
2
The cut-off date of 2015 may seem entirely arbitrary for a still-ruling regime, albeit no longer confident or cohesive. This is so for three reasons: twenty-five years is a long enough record for assessment; the end of 2015 marked the culmination of a totalistic control of society by the deep state; and 2015 also marked the nation-wide uprisings against the self-styled Tigrean minority rule which is widely viewed as the beginning of the end of the second revolutionary government. The regime declared military rule by a command post in the Fall of 2016; its ruling coalition shows unmistakable signs of implosion; and it continues to roil under a legitimation crisis sapping its will to rule by naked force in the face of defiance by the youth across the country. Credible reports by human rights organizations and the reports of the U.S. and E.U. governments suggest that tens of thousands of political prisoners languish in the regime’s many dungeons, and some hundred thousand youths have been rounded off from the streets and their homes in the so-called reeducation camps.
 
3
Moore (1966) identifies three historical routes from agrarianism to the modern industrial world—two capitalist and one socialist. One pathway is a bourgeois-aristocracy alliance against a politically fragmented peasantry which explains the emergence of a capitalist-democratic order (as in the United Kingdom and France). A second pathway is a bourgeois-aristocracy alliance to capture the state and repress a peasantry that posed a political threat (as in Germany and Japan). The third route is a worker-peasant alliance, led by the urban intelligentsia, that repressed the fledgling bourgeoisie and the atavistic agrarian elite to create a totalitarian-commandist state (as in Russia and China).
 
4
This idea of a division of labor among culturally-defined “peoples“of Ethiopia is applauded by Donald Levine (1974) and Messay Kebede (1999) in teleological formulae for the modernizing and consolidating Ethiopian nationhood. Levine’s recipe dubiously but optimistically presumes that ethnolinguistic groups are cohesive political actors: Tigrean-Agew thesis, Oromo antithesis, and Amara synthesis. Messay, on the other hand, calls for reconciliation of the supposed Tigrean restorationist drive, Amara longing for a resurgence, and Oromo search for self-assertion. Why the presumed Tigrean restorationist sentiment and the Oromo search for full inclusion have transmogrified, in the eyes the respective ethnic politicians, into a dissimilation that is driven by an anti-Amara and anti-Ethiopian nationalism cannot be understood from these fanciful grand formulations.
 
5
Christopher Clapham (2002: 53) sums it up well when he writes: “Not only was the record of imperial state consolidation from the reign of Tewodros onwards quite extraordinary in its own right; it also created patterns of development in the Horn that set it sharply apart from other regions of Africa… In particular, it acquired neither the institutional nor the political characteristics of colonial rule … The distinctive features of the Ethiopian state, including the land question, the national question, the relationship with Eritrea, and the possibility of a revolution of a kind unimaginable in other parts of Africa, all derive from this legacy.”
 
6
Richard Greenfield (1965) uses the label “empire state” (not clear if the empire-builders are not culturally alien or geographic neighbors) to describe the mix of a centralized and personalized state authority presiding over an ethnically heterogeneous population. This characterization, however, confuses with an incendiary effect the imperial Ethiopian expansion and consolidation of its cultural and historical periphery with a colonial expansion by an alien power. The “greater Ethiopia” perspective, in cultural terms, offered by Levine (2000) offers a better view of the many cultural commonalities of the peoples of the Horn which is key to understanding the continued attachment to the idea of Ethiopia by ordinary folks throughout the country.
 
7
Its Eritreanist rhetoric notwithstanding, the Tigray has little in common with a post-Menelikean South. Tigray instead is an integral part of the long-marginalized northern core (and the most autonomous at that), and its unbecoming representatives are feigning to be ethnically discriminated when it is clearly not the case.
 
8
Messay Kebede (2011) suggests that the Ethiopian Left failed to fully implement its public professed goals of bringing equality and prosperity to all citizens because its utopianism was inherently conflictual with equally compelling hunger for exclusionary powerholding—thereby putting Marxist-cum-nationalist ideology in the service ultimately regressive projects. This, of course, means that understanding the underlying structures of power is more important than the ideological justifications of the contenders for state power since any politico-economic order can be credibly justified by fuzzily presented ideologies, including Marxism. The language of the dictatorship of one class over another is malleable enough to be easily transmuted to the rightness of liquidating other enemies of “the oppressed people,” whether the presumed oppressors belong to other ethnic groups, religions, or regions.
 
9
Clapham (1990: 65) also notes that the absence of political parties “is often ascribed by Ethiopians to cultural traits, and especially the pronounced lack of interpersonal trust, and the difficulty of organizing any cooperative institution in a hierarchically structured society.” This sweeping statement, though containing a grain of truth, begs the question: which large-scale society is not hierarchically structured, including mature democracies?
 
10
Although the highlands of today’s’ Tigray and Eritrea were seats of the now-defunct Axumite state, there is much evidence to substantiate the case for the Agew and the Kunama as the pioneers of this remarkable world civilization. The Agew themselves assimilated various cultural groups in northwest Ethiopia before being absorbed by the Amhara after the thirteenth century.
 
11
This linking particular nationalities to territorial entities created incentives for the agents (titled affiliates) to disregard the commands of the principal (the TPLF) whenever the central oversight mechanisms declined along with the rewards of compliance. The alphabet soup of liberation fronts and movements are beginning to metastasize which was the case in the dying days of top-down communist federations in the USSR and Yugoslavia.
 
12
The 1995 Constitution divides the country territorially into 9 federal units (called regional states) based on the patterns of spatial settlement of predominant linguistic groups (Tigray, Amhara, Oromo, Afar, Somali), some of which are a willy-nilly amalgamation of many ethnic groups (SNNP, Benishangul-Gumuz, Harari, and Gambella), and two economically important federal cities (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa). The ruling party kept its ‘liberation front‘title purporting to represent Tigreans—about 6% of the population. Just as bafflingly, it imitates the defunct Soviet Constitution by granting the right to secession for any ethnic-based regional state (Article 39.4). Other notable features include no independent constitutional court (Article 62 and 83), incorporation of the full gamut of universally declared rights (Articles 14–38), and state ownership of all land (Article 40.3).
Based on census data, Ethiopia is a country of ethnic and religious minorities: two linguistic groups of equal size (Amhara and Oromo) account for two-thirds of the population; and the religious distribution is just as interesting—Ethiopian Orthodox (45%), Sunni Muslim (35%) and Protestant (20%). Interestingly, Ethiopian Muslims are also culturally diverse: half are Oromo, and one-sixth each are Amara or Somali. According to Posner (2004), Ethiopia is surprisingly among the moderately ethnically fractionalized countries among other African countries of its size (such as Nigeria, DRC, South Africa, Tanzania, and Kenya ). Some two-thirds of the ethnolinguistic groups resided largely in four former provinces: Gamo-Goffa, Keffa, Sidamo, and Illubabor.
 
13
A revealingly funny anecdote has it that an officer of the Derg was giving a speech at a political rally urging villagers to vanquish their “class enemies.” There is no good word for social class in Amharic. The word, medeb, is used but it generally refers to rank or a raised mud seat/bed. When a farmer asked the officer what his class was, he confidently but with apparent innocence replied that he was a lieutenant in the army!
 
14
This realist-politics led Bahru Zewde (2014: 275) to wonder: “It has remained one of the ironies of history that the uncompromising championing of the principle of self-determination (up to and including secession) has come from a group originating from the historical core of the Ethiopian polity.” How much the shift of the power center from Gondar to Shewa has contributed to alienation from the modern Shewan state by the residents of the Eritrean and the Tigrean plateau remains ill-understood.
 
15
Pausewang, Tronvoll and Aalen (2002: 230–231) put the matter this way: “During the ten years of EPRDF rule, it has become apparent that the government has established and reinforced a two-track structure at all administrative levels. It has built up a formal structure of democratic institutions to keep in line with the promises it made to the Ethiopian people and the demands and expectations of Western donors… But below the surface, it has built a party structure that keeps tight control at all levels and makes sure that no one can use these democratic institutions effectively to challenge its power.”
 
16
Clapham (1988: 26) may have been too hard in prematurely declaring that a common secular nationalism was aspirational when he says: “It is a multiethnic nation riven by conflicts not only with those who deny the basis of Ethiopian nationalism but even with many of those who accept it.” But, this has become increasingly true in the three decades since he offered this assessment.
 
17
Micklethwait and Woodridge (2014: 262) rightly note that democracy is neither a universal value nor an automatic byproduct of development: “Western countries almost invariably introduced the mass franchise only after they had already introduced sophisticated political regimes with powerful legal systems and entrenched constitutional rights—and they did so in cultures that cherished notions of individual rights.”
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Ethiopian Revolutionary State
verfasst von
Berhanu Abegaz
Copyright-Jahr
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75780-3_5