The Influence of Sub-state Actors on National Security

The principal goal of this chapter is to empirically and inductively answer the main topic of the volume, the influence of sub-state actors on national security, by focusing on the correlation between Greenland’s quest for autonomy and the political dynamism regarding Thule Air Base. The important points the author wishes to make in this chapter are that during the negotiations on the radar upgrade and the transformation of Thule Air Base into an outpost in the U.S. missile defense shield Greenland on the surface maintained a negative stance towards the continuation of Thule Air Base while, in fact, arguing on the premise that the base would stay, and that, through the continued existence of the base and its transformation into a missile defense outpost, Greenland was attempting to increase its say in diplomatic and military matters. In contrast with that, to Denmark the Thule problem posed the question of neglect and responsibility - Denmark found itself in a situation where it had to take a visible, concrete approach toward Greenland and conduct negotiations while constantly trying to keep the political cost down. The attitude of Denmark to deal with the wishes of its sub-state actor Greenland with flexibility and compromise was a pervasive leitmotif in the discussions regarding the missile defense shield.

The purpose of this chapter is to examine how the U.S. interests regarding Thule Air Base have changed in the post-Cold War period. Initially, various U.S. bases in Greenland were established or strengthened to counter the Soviet threat in the early stages of the Cold War. Therefore, when that threat receded, it was expected that their strategic importance would diminish dramatically. However, by the end of the 1990s, the U.S. recognized the increased missile capabilities of “rogue states,” accelerating the deployment of the missile defense system. Thus, the value of Thule Air Base increased as a key part of the system, affecting the trilateral negotiations between Washington, Copenhagen, and Nuuk. The U.S. military bases in Greenland also serve as hubs for scientific research concerning the Arctic region, although this feature affects base politics less directly than do military factors, due to third-party influences, such as civilian infrastructure and international cooperation.

This chapter explores the background of Russia’s recent military build-up in the Arctic region. While those activities have been explained in past studies as Russia’s effort to consolidate its control over its natural resources and the Northern Sea Route (NSR) in the Arctic region, this chapter critically examines such understanding and proposes an alternative view. Russia’s main motivation is, in our view, based on a more classical military strategy: securing nuclear deterrence.

Greenland and Okinawa, the southernmost island prefecture of Japan, are both, as sub-state entities, involved in triangular interactions with their central governments and the U.S. over issues pertaining to American military bases. Examining the case of Okinawa provides us with a useful reference point for considering the case of Greenland because of the similar characteristics Okinawa exhibits in terms of U.S. presence and center-periphery relationship. Considering that Okinawan autonomy eroded through its annexation by Japan, involvement in the Second World War, and the 27-year occupation by the U.S. military, how did this sub-state actor seek autonomy, come into conflict with the national security of Japan, and end up being restrained by the center? After the end of the Cold War, Okinawa challenged the continuing U.S. presence, thus endangering the foundations of the security relations between Japan and the U.S. This chapter argues that the people of Okinawa raised their voices and protested U.S. military presence in order to be able to handle their property and future development on their own, and that, while they were able to effect partial changes in the locations and activities of U.S. bases, they were not able to significantly alter U.S. force posture in the islands. The main reason for this is that the central government in Tokyo limited Okinawa’s influence on national security policy by exerting its legal and administrative power.

The Philippines hosted U.S. military bases until their closure in 1992. Subic Naval Base, the largest among them, was regarded as the most important for the security of the Asia-Pacific region. Olongapo, the city adjacent to the base, was heavily impacted by the presence of the base. The people of Olongapo continually protested the negative impacts they suffered due to the existence of the base. This sub-state actor did not directly participate in any negotiation with the U.S. government for its autonomy, but the local voice was strongly manifested in anti-base movements, and they had a pervasive influence on the negotiations between Washington and Manila over U.S. military bases. In this chapter, I explore the issues Olongapo faced, how its people raised a voice of opposition, and how that local voice ultimately facilitated the withdrawal of the U.S. military forces from the Philippines.

The goal of this chapter is to integrate and sum up the discussions from previous chapters and thus offer new insights regarding the role of sub-state actors in the field of security by focusing on the following three correlations: