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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

8. The Irish Parliament and Brexit

verfasst von : Gavin Barrett

Erschienen in: Brexit and Democracy

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

The economy predicted to be most negatively impacted by Brexit is not that of the United Kingdom (UK). It is that of Ireland, whose close trading relationship with the UK makes it peculiarly vulnerable to any deterioration in the trade now safeguarded by common membership of the European Union’s (EU’s) single internal market and customs union. Ireland is also the only state with a land border with the UK, the focus of a conflict with 3500 deaths which ended with the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. All this and the close linguistic, cultural and historical ties plus the existence of a common travel area between Ireland and the UK mean that the economic, political and social ramifications of Brexit for Ireland extend beyond those of other EU member states. The worried attention of Irish politicians and the public has unsurprisingly focused on the prospect of Brexit since before the 23 June 2016 vote. But how has this been reflected in the activities of the Irish legislature, the Oireachtas? What influence have Oireachtas members been able to exercise on the Government’s position on Brexit? Has the legislature brought any added value? This chapter seeks to answer such questions while examining the constitutional, procedural and party-political dimensions of Brexit in Ireland.

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Fußnoten
1
Prior to 2011 reforms, both Irish Houses were ranked close to the bottom of the 40 chambers.
 
2
See now Article 10 TEU.
 
3
See now Article 12 TEU.
 
4
For example, s. 7(4) of the European Union Act 2009 (role for Houses in subsidiarity review proceedings).
 
5
For example, Article 29.4.8° of the Constitution (inserted by the Twenty-Eighth Amendment of the Constitution (Treaty of Lisbon) Act 2009) requiring approval of both Houses for Lisbon Treaty passerelles to majority voting and co-decision (see Barrett 2018, 159–168). A similar constitutional role had already been provided regarding certain Nice and Amsterdam Treaty discretions.
 
6
Such agreements are deployed in parliaments based on the Westminster system in order to enable minority governments to function. Opposition parties either abstain or vote with the government in votes on Cabinet appointments, no confidence motions and budgetary/appropriation votes, but otherwise vote according to their own preferences.
 
7
Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018.
 
8
Ibid.
 
9
The time of writing is September 2018.
 
10
Including expired committees, there have been 42 Oireachtas committees to date in the 32nd Dáil period.
 
11
Oireachtas official interviewed 26 June 2018.
 
12
At the time of writing (21 August 2018), there have been 37 General Council meetings (29 formal) in the lifetime of the 32nd Dáil, 35 (28 of them formal) have taken place since the election by that Dáil of the Taoiseach on 6 May 2016. In all that time, there have been just seven ministerial briefings of the Joint Committee on EU Affairs concerning such Councils, three of which have been ex ante, two ex post and two simultaneously both ex ante and ex post briefings. In this period, 184 Council meetings took place. No other Council meetings are the subject of as many parliamentary committee briefings as are General Council meetings.
 
13
Northern Irish interests appreciated this. Given the ongoing collapse of the Northern Ireland Assembly in January 2017, they lack public fora in which to articulate their concerns (Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018).
 
14
Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018; Oireachtas official interviewed 26 June 2018.
 
15
In the three years before 13 September 2017, this occurred 650 times (see Anon 2017).
 
16
Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018.
 
17
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 27 June 2018.
 
18
Ireland’s Future in the European Union: Challenges, Issues and Options (27 November 2008).
 
19
In 2015, the Commissioner for Trade, Cecilia Malmström addressed the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs and the chairs and members of two other Oireachtas committees, plus several MEPs (27 March 2015), an event accommodated in a Committee room.
 
20
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 28 June 2018.
 
21
Leading to excessive focus of committees on mere networking and information gathering (Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018).
 
22
Article 50 TEU.
 
23
Readers should note that shortly before this article went to press, a Government-proposed motion supporting the draft withdrawal agreement published on 14 November, 2018, including the draft Protocol on Northern Ireland which formed an integral part of this) was in fact overwhelmingly approved by the Dáil (21 November 2018).
 
24
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 28 June 2018.
 
25
In which Brexit has been described as ‘at risk of dominating the agenda’. BIPA provides a useful forum in particular for Northern Ireland assembly members to discuss Brexit issues (Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018).
 
26
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 28 June 2018.
 
27
Moved by Sinn Féin leader Deputy Gerry Adams TD.
 
28
Moved by Fianna Fáil’s then Brexit spokesperson Stephen Donnelly TD.
 
29
Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018.
 
30
It should be noted that a scrutiny reserve system, while capable of controlling the national position regarding EU legislation, will not be capable of blocking its adoption at EU level if the legislative procedure involves qualified majority voting.
 
31
Involving a process of formal submission, which need not however involve any debate.
 
32
The Committee has apparently also seen a reduction in its relative prestige: political parties showed relatively little interest in providing a chair for it in July 2016, under the d’Hondt system (Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018).
 
33
Prior to this, the ‘Committee’ stage was deliberated upon by a Committee of each House.
 
34
The Joint Committee on EU Affairs performs very little legislative scrutiny (Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018).
 
35
Oireachtas official interviewed 29 June 2018.
 
36
Or gender balance: the Joint Committee on European Union Affairs has no female members.
 
37
See, for example, the findings of the May 2018 Red C opinion poll, commissioned by European Movement Ireland.
 
38
Ibid.
 
39
Accessed 25 August 2018.
 
40
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 27 June 2018.
 
41
Department of Foreign Affairs official interviewed 28 June 2018.
 
42
See chapter on Belgium, in this volume.
 
43
Not extending in this case to EU affairs generally.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Irish Parliament and Brexit
verfasst von
Gavin Barrett
Copyright-Jahr
2019
Verlag
Springer International Publishing
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-06043-5_8