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This book defines the Korean development as the moral economy of growth derived from a synergy between strong state and strong society and argues that Confucian cultural orientation has played a critical role in the process.

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Frontmatter

Introduction

Frontmatter

Chapter 1. Missing Links in Understanding Korean Development

Abstract
The 1990s and 2000s exhibited an explosion of work on the fastgrowing economies of East Asia, by individual scholars as well as international development institutions. Several influential books such as Johnson (1982), Amsden (1989), and Wade (1990) have explored the distinctive nature of the East Asian developmental state, especially the role of government in determining the allocation of resources to particular industries, in building industrial infrastructures through public firms, and in developing the educational system. A widely discussed report published by the World Bank (1993) on the East Asian “miracle” endeavored to draw lessons, not just from the experience of Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan but also from four fast-growing economies in Southeast Asia—Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. They all pointed out that high-performing Asian economies are the only economies that achieve high growth and diminish inequality at the same time.
Seok-Choon Lew

The Cultural Dimension: Confucian Tradition

Frontmatter

Chapter 2. Confucian Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism in Korea: The Significance of Filial Piety

Abstract
Max Weber (1930[1920]) presented a remarkable analysis of the social effects of religious values. In this sociological canon, Weber indicated that value orientation in Protestant Christianity contributed to the formation of a “diligent” work ethic, which characterized modern Western capitalism. However, Weber went on to say that the spontaneous development of capitalism could not be found in non-Western societies for the reason that religious values imbuing economic motives for development were missing (Bellah, 1957). A typical example cited was Confucian culture in China (Weber, 1951[1920]), but Korean society was not an exception (Tu, 1991; Cha S.-H., 1992; Park S.-H., 1994).
Woo-Young Choi, Hye Suk Wang

The Social Dimension: Affective Networks

Frontmatter

Chapter 3. Affective Networks, Social Capital, and Modernity in Korea

Abstract
In the previous chapter, the focus was placed on the psychological effect of Confucianism in Korea. This chapter and the following chapters pay greater attention to distinctive features of Korean society. One of the seeming anomalies of this otherwise rapid and apparently thorough transition to modernity in Korea is the continued presence of strong “affective networks” (綠逸閭痢, yuangu guanxi in Chinese, yŏn’go kwankye in Korean). Indeed, one of the most striking characteristics of modern Korean society is the intricately webbed nexus among state/nonstate and official/nonofficial sectors. As was clearly revealed during the Asian financial crisis of 1997, many hitherto successful Asian economies, including that of South Korea, were characterized by strong state—business ties and business-to-business ties, which went beyond the kind usually found in modern capitalist economies.
Mi-Hye Chang, Tae-Eun Kim

Chapter 4. Historical Development of Affective Networks in Korea: The Nongovernmental Sector and Confucian Tradition

Abstract
Society can be divided into three sectors: the “state,” which presupposes coercive power; the “market,” in which individuals seek profit; and “voluntary activities,” which rest on neither coercion nor profit. In this threefold model, the “nongovernmental” sector represents the third sector where voluntary activities go on (Hall, 1992). Studies on the nongovernmental sector emphasize its autonomy as a distinctive characteristic in comparison to the other two sectors (Wuthnow, 1991). The functions and roles of the nongovernmental sector and its historical development can be better understood when compared with two other sectors, the state and the market (Habermas, 1989).
Mi-Hye Chang

The Political Dimension: State-Society Relations

Frontmatter

Chapter 5. Confucian Capitalism of Park Chung Hee: Possibilities and Limits

Abstract
Until very recently, debate has been ongoing as to whether integration between capitalism and Confucianism can be achieved. We now have a clear answer to this question. Numerous examples—the economic prosperity of Japan, followed by the remarkable economic development in Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong, and the more recent economic booms in China and Vietnam—show that Confucianism can be incorporated into capitalism. The two philosophies have found a fruitful common ground even as scholars continued to wrestle with this matter.
Seok-Choon Lew

Chapter 6. Generalized Reciprocity between Strong State and Strong Society: Park Chung Hee and the Korean Developmental Path

Abstract
The economic success of Korea has been attributed mainly to the initiatives of a “strong state.” It is commonly assumed that society, in contrast to the state, was weak and passive yet was effectively mobilized by the state’s rigorous planning efforts. We challenge this interpretation. The “developmental state” (Johnson, 1982), autonomous as well as embedded (Evans, 1995) during the Park Chung Hee era, cannot be explained by the simple dichotomy of “strong state and weak society” (Migdal, 1988). We rather find that Korea during the Park era was a showcase of synergy between a strong state and a strong society.
Hye Suk Wang

Chapter 7. Did the 1997 Financial Crisis Transform the S. Korean Developmental State? Focused on the Public Fund

Abstract
Many scholars have explained South Korea’s economic development in terms of “developmental state.” They point out that the success of the South Korean government intervention was mainly due to “the control of the state over the industrial capital through financial resources” and “the existence of the independent bureaucracy able to discipline the capital”1 (Johnson, 1982; Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990; Kim E. M., 1997; Chibber, 1999). Based on a high-level state autonomy and capacity, the South Korean developmental state was able to discipline the industrial capital to comply with the state’s policies and successfully intervene in the economic market with its own characteristic resource allocation and competition mechanisms (Amsden and Euh Y. D., 1993; Chang H. J., 1998; Cherry, 2005; Lim W. H., 2003; chapters 5 and 6). They argue that the formation of a triple alliance among “the state, the financial capital, and the industrial capital” guaranteed the state’s effective dominance over the domestic capital (Kim E. M., 1997; Woo-Cumings, 1999; Hahm J. H., 2003).
Hye Suk Wang

Conclusion

Frontmatter

Chapter 8. Moral Economy of Growth

Abstract
The introductory chapter 1 explains the missing links in understanding the Korean development. In particular, the embeddedness among cultural, social, and political dimensions is emphasized to suggest that the most fundamental core of Korean development was the articulated match of a strong state and a strong society. At the end of the chapter, book organization and arguments of each chapter are offered.
Seok-Choon Lew

Backmatter

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