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Über dieses Buch

Outstanding social scientists (economists, sociologists, political scientists, and policy researchers) discuss in this book the issue of the social aspects of European integration. For each field, they sketch out the main problems, provide a survey on the relevant literature, and point to areas wherein more research is needed. The science and research policy of the European Union is examined critically both in terms of relevant social issues and in terms of its organizational efficacy.





Servants of Power or Providers of Indispensable Ideas? The Role of Scientists and the Use of Social Science in the Making of the European Union*

The European Union represents a world-historic unique effort at peaceful integration of sovereign states. This is so not only because it has happened rather seldom in history that independent political units are willing to transfer considerable parts of their political sovereignty to supernational bodies. It is even more so because such a transfer earlier in history has never involved so many and so large and well-established independent nation states. In 1999, the European Union comprised fifteen member states with an overall population of over 360 millions of inhabitants. Earlier successful efforts at integration of more or less independent political units included only a few millions of people.1
Max Haller

Europe as Economic and Monetary Union: Market Integration without Institutional Adaptation?


Economic Integration and the Welfare State: The Corridor Model as a Strategy for an European Social Policy

The Treaty of Amsterdam led to the integration of the Agreement on Social Policy into the Treaty on the European Union (Art. 136 to Art. 145 TEU). Although this measure resolved the precarious situation by allowing one EU state (the UK) to opt out in the area of social policy, it still did not provide an active role for the EU in this field. Responsibility remains primarily with nation states, in particular regarding social protection, the traditional areas of which receive about 90 per cent of all social expenditure in the EU. According to Art. 137, Paragraph 3 of the new EU Treaty, action by the Community in the area of social security still requires unanimity from the representative states in the Council of Ministers.
Klaus Busch

Preconditions for the Success of the European Monetary Union

The project of a new, common currency in Europe has raised a tremendous wave of emotions. This can mainly be explained by the uncertain socio-economic consequences of this institutional innovation. The European Monetary Union (EMU) should be regarded more as a political project and not so much as an economic project. That is, the idea of EMU was not derived straightforwardly from an approach based on solid economics. Instead the EMU project, though partially justifiable in terms of modern economic theories, was grounded on the general hopes of politicians, hopes that mainly referred to avoiding the assumed costs of exchange rate fluctuations inside the EU, improving the international competitiveness of the EMU countries or companies, fostering economic development and convergence in living standards among the EMU countries, and ensuring political stability and peace in Europe. These hopes, however, were accompanied by fears of academic researchers in particular that mainly referred to an increase in inflation and lasting one-sided transfer payments, and to the danger of inducing economic divergence within EMU. These fears have led to the establishment of various institutional precautions in the so-called Maastricht Treaty and in the subsequent “Stability Pact”.
Helmut Wagner

Freeing the Market through Declining Trade Unions or Loss of an Important Integrating Institution?

The title question of this chapter has several ramifications. Has there been a decline of trade unions? If so, has it produced more freedom in the labour market? What freedom? Whose freedom? Do we witness the loss of an institution that was, or is, important for social integration in advanced capitalist societies? What contribution have the social sciences to make when addressing these questions and the policy issues involved? These questions involve definitions, empirical tendencies, causal relations and moral judgments. What is meant by union decline, freeing of the market, social integration? Are the three - union decline, liberalization, and disintegration - causally related?
Jelle Visser

A New European Model of Welfare or Splitting into a Rich and Poor Europe?


Social Citizenship, Work and Care — Social Differentiation among Women in an EU- Context

In order to understand differences among EU-countries in women’s access to paid work and their economic independency the complex relationship between work, citizenship and welfare provision has to be taken into consideration. The risk of women in losing their labour market position and consequently their independent income when caring for a child or elderly family member is closely connected to their position in the labour market, the type of family structure and the level and type of support for the family provided by the welfare state. And this risk takes different forms depending on how social citizenship is defined and the welfare policies are pursued in the individual welfare states.
Thomas P. Boje

Social Exclusion and Poverty in Europe: New Social Problems and New Priorities for Social Research

In no other place in the world was the effort to achieve social cohesion as effective as in Europe. From the time of the French revolution onwards, Europe gradually took up the issue of equality as one of the basic standards of its development process, as a reference value for its culture and as a fundamental political objective.
Luís Capucha, Joaquim Bernardo, José Castro

The Contribution of Spatial Planning to Social Cohesion in the European Union

Ebenezer Howard, in his seminal work ‘Tomorrow: A peaceful path to real reform’ (1898), argued very persuasively of the importance of the links between town design, regional planning and social cohesion in his concept for the ‘Social City’ (Hall 1992; Ward 1994). His work generated world-wide interest, and his ideas influenced the development of planning thought in many other European Union (EU) member-states besides the UK. Although his ideas were all too often seen simply as design concepts for garden cities, they were in reality a much more fundamental contribution to social policy. Howard’s vocabulary and its context seem very dated now, but his ideas represent the essence of what is now termed spatial planning. Now, one hundred years later, the question to be explored is how far this fundamental link, between social cohesion and spatial planning, is reasserting itself through the policies and programmes of the EU.
Richard H. Williams

The Construction of the European Constitution. Chances and Threats of Civil Society and Democratic Participation


The Constitutionalisation and Democratisation of the European Union: Political Science between Interpretation and Prescription

Political scientists have contributed extensively to the study of European integration; in fact, respective endeavours are increasingly becoming self-reflective. Most of the systematic surveys and self-descriptions1 concentrate on the two International Relations (IR) doctrines of functionalism and intergovernmentalism. They discuss at length the respective merits of either in explaining the ‘Why’ of integration, concluding that European integration has reached a stage where it is more important to analyse the ‘How’. Hence the ‘comparativist school’ is usually named as the third relevant strand.2 The picture tends to be rounded off by referring to the new ’constructivist school’ of IR, stressing the role of ideas in (international) politics. In contrast to these surveys this paper adopts a more comprehensive view and undertakes to look at the matter from the angle of political science as a whole.
Heidrun Abromeit

Policy Networks in Europe: Challenges for Democratic Organization and Citizen Voice in the European Process

The problem of creating democratic institutions in the new architecture of Europe is among the most pressing that social sciences can be asked to address. This issue seems to play a significant role in Northern European citizen dissatisfaction with Europe, and it could be the case that an adequate answer to these issues might prop up the relative lukewarm feelings toward the European Union. At present the majority of European citizens are indifferent or downright negative to the continued existence of the EU and feel that their country has not benefitted from European Union membership (European Commission 1999:37). The challenge is to distill the best of existing European models of governance on the one hand, and to create new and innovative architectures that face the problems of international and multi-cultural federation on the other. Can national forms of governance and administration cope with the issues that the European Union confronts? The criticisms launched against the EU are in some ways similar to those faced by the United Nations or other international organizations. In terms of its efficiency and ability to carry out political decisions, such institutions suffer from being indirectly modeled on national state methods of governance, based on considerable consensus. Yet international organization unites considerable diversity. Further, the EU differs in important ways from the UN in having ambitions to include political representation of citizens at a supra-national level. This is entirely new, yet radically new institutions have not appeared.1
Alison E. Woodward

A European Internal and Security Policy: Freedom of Movement for Whom?

The achievement of European economic integration has required the elimination of internal borders, to facilitate the free circulation of persons, goods and services. The removal of these obstacles has meant, however, not only greater freedom for people in general and workers in particular to move from country to country within the EU, but also new opportunities for terrorists, international criminal organizations, and illegal immigrants. Once inside the European Union, the activities of these groups are no longer bound geographically by international borders. To this new set of problems corresponds the need to develop new mechanisms of police and judicial cooperation, intergovernmental, supranational, or mixed. Finally, European Union citizens must confront not only the advantages of increased freedom of movement but also the new problems created by the increased freedom of movement: Greater vulnerability to crime, to drug trafficking, and to competition for jobs and social services by illegal immigrants. Since European citizens are not very prone yet to move beyond their national borders, not even to work (see Table 1), whereas transnational criminal activities have increased (Roth/Frey 1992), the perceived disadvantages may often outweigh the perceived advantages. Consequently, unless crime and illegal immigration are effectively handled, many citizens may end up developing misgivings toward the removal of borders, thus far one of the most salient and popular achievements of the European Union.
Juan Díez-Nicolás, Juan Díez-Medrano

Deficit of Confidence within European Democracies

Recent empirical data attests that a massive majority of Europeans are deeply attached to democracy as the only acceptable political system. According to many surveys most European citizens do not conceive realistically an alternative system of government for their own country. Such a massive attachment is a new phenomenon in Europe — before the war the picture was very different. At the same time, a comparable wealth of data indicates that in most countries a large proportion of people are dissatisfied with the real functioning of the system, that they mistrust basic institutions and social organizations and that they have lost confidence in the confidence in the “political class”. Does this deficit of trust challenge the legitimacy of the current regime?
Mattei Dogan

Politics of Equality and Difference: Transformation of Gender Roles and Labour Markets, Cultural and National Identities


Alternative European Models of Women’s Roles in the Family and the Labour Market

Women’s role in the family and the workplace is one of the most widely-discussed and widely-misunderstood issues of modern society. The relative emphasis of women’s work, on production and/or reproduction, has always attracted fiercely ideological debate, among politicians and policy-makers, among feminists and other pressure groups, and even among social scientists. In this heavily ideological discussion, social science research findings contribute only a small voice, one which is frequently ignored. Some social scientists do not even try to remain impartial observers. Instead, they actively engage in advocacy research rather than dispassionate social research, and they seek to contribute to pressure group activities just as often as to academic journals (Rossi 1987). This problem is especially common in feminist research (Gilbert 1997).
Catherine Hakim

Education and Labour Market Outcomes: Commonality or Divergence?*

We have a European Parliament, a European Commission, European councils of ministers, a European police, and a common currency. Increasingly we have a European economy. Territorial borders have come down. Enormous streams of products and capital freely cross the (earlier) borders. But we scarcely have a European identity, and much is lacking for a European society. There are formal rules, rights and obligations of membership, but we cannot yet see a union of citizens who share feelings of belonging together to a social collectivity and who more or less unquestionably accept obligations of mutual solidarity. Education and its macro- and micro-level social and economic consequences are probably one of the crucial factors in the formation of European identity and the making of a future European society.
Walter Müller

Immigration to Europe and its Consequences for the Host Societies

Western Europe has a long tradition of sending emigrants overseas. For most European countries, however, receiving and integrating foreigners is a relatively new phenomenon that first started to occur in the 1940s and 1950s. In the years following World War II, Western European societies had to absorb refugees, displaced persons, and people returning from former colonies. But by the 1950s and 1960s, countries such as Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, and Switzerland already met part of their growing demand for labour by recruiting migrants from several Mediterranean countries: First from Italy, Spain and Portugal, then from Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia, and finally from Yugoslavia and Turkey. Great Britain remained the main destination for migrants from Ireland and from other Commonwealth countries. In the majority of cases (at least in continental Europe) the recruitment of foreign labour took place on the basis of bilateral agreements between the governments of sending and receiving countries (Hollifield 1992).
Rainer Münz, Wolfgang Seifert

Education and Political Socialisation between National Identity and European Citizenship

The launching of the Single European Currency marked the culmination of the Maastricht Treaty that established the European Union. In recent years, the ‘Euro’ has been given priority in the European integration process, vindicating the arguments — at least for the moment — of those who propound the functionalist and gradualist approach. We must, however, ask whether economic and monetary union (the ‘Maastricht-Euro model’) will really re-launch political union.(1) As Delors aptly summarised the matter: ‘For some, the Euro will create such a dragging effect that problems concerning political union will automatically be solved. For others, including myself, the Euro will not suffice to put new life into the whole European project.’(2)
Gaspare Nevola



The Model of Science and Research Policy of the European Union in Perspective

The modern natural sciences and advanced “high technology” have become main forces of production in advanced societies. Their criteria are a concentration of research in big laboratories and research organizations, the “instrumentalization” of research by economic-commercial and political interests, a rapid acceleration of the growth rate of knowledge, and an exponential increase in the number of scientists. In some areas, only large enterprises and nation states are able to sustain basic research in “big science” (de Solla Price 1963); private small enterprises, which are growing in such areas as micro electronics and bio-technis, often collaborate with the state through contracts and subsidies. Scientists themselves became strongly dependent on the state: The state controls the allocation of public funds to science, and it influences also the definition of disciplinary and research boundaries (Solingen 1997:33; see also Felderer/Campbell 1994).
Max Haller


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