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2016 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

8. The Pros and Cons of ‘de facto’ Polish Opting-Out of the EMU

verfasst von : Serena Giusti, Lucia Tajoli

Erschienen in: Europe in Crisis

Verlag: Palgrave Macmillan UK

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Abstract

The World Bank economist Marcin Piatkowski concluded in a recent report that Poland ‘has just had probably the best 20 years in more than one thousand years of its history’. Within the EU, the country has shown itself to be the most resilient to the 2008 global financial crisis. While the limited connections to international and European financial markets is part of this explanation, one cannot overlook the role of sound macroeconomic policies set up over the years in reducing the likelihood of transmission effects based on free trade, fiscal discipline and more integration at the European level. Despite its extraordinary economic performance, Poland has not yet entered the EMU. Polish leadership has mostly calibrated its economic policies following this aim, but the goal is still very controversial in the country both from a political (public opinion and the opposition are contrary) and a legal point of view (Euro accession would require constitutional changes). This chapter seeks to understand the motivations behind the Polish postponement of the accession to the EMU and the pros and cons (economic, political, social) of this delay. Is this limbo situation going to be a permanent one establishing a ‘de-facto’ opting-out from the EMU?

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Fußnoten
1
On the complex process of reforming see L. Balcerowicz, Post-Communist Transition: Some Lessons, London, the Institute of Economic Affairs, 2002; L. Balcerowicz, Socialism, Capitalism, Transformation, Budapest, Central European University, 1995.
 
2
European Commission, Five years of an enlarged EU—Economic achievements and challenges, Communication COM(2009) 79 final.
 
3
N. Campos, F. Coricelli and L. Moretti, “Economic Growth and Political Integration: Estimating the Benefits from Membership in the European Union Using Synthetic Counterfactual Methods”, 2014, https://​docs.​google.​com/​viewer?​a=​v&​pid=​sites&​srcid=​ZGVmYXVsdGRvbWFp​bnxtb3JldHRpbGd8​Z3g6MjIyZjYyZTI1​NGNlOWVmOQ
 
4
According to the EU membership criteria, future members must demonstrate the ‘ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic and monetary union. They are expected to adopt the euro when ready to do so, not immediately upon accession. For a new member country there are detailed conditions, involving several stages: the current, pre-accession stage, during which the country must demonstrate irreversible progress towards a functioning market economy and competitiveness as well as sustainable macroeconomic stability; an intermediary phase following accession, in which the new member participates fully in the single market and demonstrates progress towards achieving the conditions necessary to adopt the euro; a minimum of two years of successful participation in the exchange-rate-mechanism; fulfilment of the criteria that apply to current members for the adoption of the single currency, including a budget deficit of less than 3 % of GDP, a debt ratio of less than 60 % of GDP, low inflation and interest rates close to the EU average; the essential condition is a sufficient degree of sustainable real convergence.
 
5
Frankel J. A. and A. K. Rose, “Endogeneity of the Optimum Currency Area criteria”, Economic Journal, Vol. 108, no. 449, July 1998, pp. 1009–1025.
 
7
On the politics of memory see M. Killingsworth, M. Klatt, S. Auer, “Where Does Poland Fit in Europe? How Political Memory influences Polish MEP’s Perceptions of Poland place in Europe”, Perspectives on European Politics and Society, Vol. 11, No. 4, 358–375, December 2010….
 
8
The central theme of 1989-revolutions and post-Communist changes is grasped by the metaphor of ‘returning to Europe’. Ash noted that “In all the lands, the phrase people use to sum up what is happening is the return to Europe”. See T.G. ASH, We the People; The Revolution of 89, Cambridge 1990, p. 3.
 
9
The collapse of communism in the East was concomitant with the affirmation of a global liberal capitalism ‘ideology’ in the West and the decline of political passions. As Furet put it “we live in a closed political universe”. F. Furet, Europe after Utopianism, in Journal of Democracy, Vol. 6, January 1995, 1, p. 80. Hankiss underlined that Central and Eastern Europe countries were obsessed with the “nevrose de l’arriétation E. Hankiss, European Paradigms: East and West, 1945–199”, in Daedalus, Vol. 123, Summer 1994, 3, pp. 115–126.
 
10
Created in 1992, the Visegrad, composed of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, is perhaps the most frequently referenced framework of cooperation when reading about Poland’s regional groupings. This initiative tries to promote cooperation through mutual contacts at all levels: from high-level political summits to diplomatic and experts meeting, to individuals, think tanks, research centers and regional Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) activities.
 
11
P. Cichocki, Polish Attitudes towards the EU, Przeglad Zachodni 3, 2011.
 
12
Likewise, the Polish largest opposition party, the Democratic Left Alliance, pledged co-operation in speeding up the approval of EU-related laws, RFE/RL, February 17, 2000.
 
14
“Czechs, Poles cooler to euro as they watch debt crisis”, Reuters. 16 June 2010.
 
15
CBOS, 28 March 2011.
 
16
Wirtualna Polska, 14 February 2012.
 
17
CBOS, 27 July 2012. 27 July 2012.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Pros and Cons of ‘de facto’ Polish Opting-Out of the EMU
verfasst von
Serena Giusti
Lucia Tajoli
Copyright-Jahr
2016
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57707-8_8