1 Introduction
The term “resilience” has recently gained significant traction across various disciplines [1]. According to C. S. Holling, resilience refers to a system’s ability to adapt to external changes while preserving its structure, functions, and identity [2]. Urbanists and planners have widely accepted that it articulates cities’ capacity to effectively address systemic problems [3, 4]. As Vale said in The Resilient City, “The cities were sacked, burned, bombed, flooded, starved, irradiated- they have, in almost every case, risen again like the myth of the phoenix” [5]. One significant advantage of the term “resilient city”, in contrast to the numerous and often elusive concepts of “sustainability”, “sustainable development”, or “sustainable urbanism”, lies in its direct engagement with the deficiencies of present systems [6]. While sustainability implies maintaining the status quo, resilience emphasizes fortifying areas against potential threats. Urban resilience pertains to an urban system’s capacity, including its social, ecological, and technical networks, to uphold or swiftly regain intended functions when faced with disruption, to adjust to changes, and to promptly alter systems that restrict current or future adaptability [7]. To some extent, the resilience, which is typically described as intricate and adaptable systems, is seen as panacea of concepts applied to cities [8, 9]. Although the concept of urban resilience embodies diverse interpretations, its definition acknowledges the significance of temporal and multiple spatial scales.
In The Country and the City, Raymond Williams stated that the understanding of the future emerged from an experience of the cities [10]. Contemporary cities are the principal locus for scrutinizing the intricate interaction among technology, society, and civilization [11]. The researcher Luo Xiaoming indicated that representations and understandings of the city as presented in literary works and literary criticism comprise a critical component of the contemporary city [12]. This mutual construction and production relation between literature and the city is even more symbiotic in developing countries like China.
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Science fiction occupies a distinctive and prominent position within the realm of literature. Unlike other literary genres, science fiction is characterized by a remarkable lack of constraints. It is anticipated to be both unrestricted in terms of content and style. Any form of social conditions could be eliminated, modified, or supplemented in the name of the future or fantasy without requiring an extensive justification of their validity. In the article “The Torn Generation,” Chen Qiufan notes that when confronted with the nonsensical reality of modern China, the potential for both extraordinary beauty and severe ugliness cannot be adequately examined or articulated without using science fiction. Science fiction frequently employs the urban setting to delve into diverse conjectures concerning human civilization. Technologies are employed in science fiction works to construct a more robust and durable urban system, which can be used to explore the concept of urban resilience. Liu Weijia, a science fiction writer and editor, contends that “future literature will predominantly center around urban settings” and “science fiction, as viewed by science fiction writers, is primarily a genre of literature that focuses largely on urban environments” [13].
This paper will explore the depictions of cities in two award-winning Chinese science fiction works- “The Fish of Lijiang” (丽江的鱼儿们 2006) by Chen Qiufan (1981-) and “Folding Beijing” (北京折叠 2014) by Hao Jingfang (1984-). Chen Qiufan and Hao Jingfang are prominent figures in the post-1980s generation of Chinese SF writers. These two Chinese science fiction works are set in near-future versions of Beijing and Lijiang. Despite being familiar locales, both cities have undergone substantial alterations in spatial and temporal constructs, owing to the impact of technological imagination.
This article argues that through the imaginative depiction of urban resilience, these young SF writers’ stories express unease about rapid transformation. These stories illuminate the societal schisms in contemporary Chinese society caused by divergent spatial and temporal experiences. It is crucial to figure out the essential characteristics of these cities and how the authors portray and imagine them. In addition, it is crucial to understand how these imaginative characteristics of time and space influence urban resilience. What is the pivotal role of technology in fortifying urban resilience? Does technology heighten cities’ vulnerability to risks, or does it empower them to adeptly navigate and mitigate diverse crises? Lastly, in fictional cities, whose resilience takes precedence?
2 The Regulation of Time Sense in “The Fish of Lijiang”
In “The Fish of Lijiang”, corporations dangle the promise of a brighter future for their workers. They embellish their assurances with a complex array of terms such as dreams, self-actualization, and prospects, all of which obscure a harsh and exploitative reality. The first-person narrator stands out as a model employee. He experiences a neurological disorder as a result of excessive labor. The nameless metropolis where the narrator resides is portrayed as a vast expanse of concrete resembling a forest characterized by constant challenges and high-tension levels. Adhering to the new labor regulations, his employer presents him with an opportunity to undergo a restorative journey to the Old Town of Lijiang. This Southwest town has been transformed into a retreat to relieve overworked white-collar workers. In Lijiang, engaging in purposeless exploration devoid of temporal awareness constitutes a crucial aspect of the therapy. This narrative delves into the challenges encountered during the city’s development, encompassing environmental contamination, social fragmentation, and socioeconomic stratification. In this story, technology is used to manipulate the subjective time experience, offering a solution to a myriad of development issues, such as low productivity and resource allocation inefficiency.
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Chen Qiufan’s narrative depicts time as subject to a superior authority, where the essence of time is intertwines with the urban landscape’s authority. Within this realm, city administrators control individuals’ subjective perception of time as a strategic tool to fortify urban resilience. The tale unravels with a stark portrayal of temporal desynchronization, underscored by the author’s poignant use of a metaphorical checkerboard. In this intricate mosaic, cities, roads, mountains, and rivers are likened to diverse colored squares, symbolizing the intricate interplay between time and class stratification:
The people below throng like a nest of ants controlled by an invisible hand, divide into a few groups, are stuffed into the different squares: time flies past the laborer, the poor, the “third world”; time crawls for the rich, the idle, the “developed world”; time stays still for those in charge, the idols, the gods . . . [14]
Through this imagery, the author conveys the tangible barrier inherent in the concept of time, which divides individuals into distinct social or temporal strata. Time allocation emerges as a pivotal instrument of oppression within the hierarchical structure of urban life. The regulation of time sense by the state remains unchallenged for a long time, the subsequent improvement in societal productivity receiving widespread recognition until the protagonist encounters the other main character, a female special-care nurse, in Lijiang.
Two technologies for altering the sense of time are disclosed. The inexpensive technology of “Time sense compression” is utilized by large corporations to augment workforce productivity. The alarm clock-shaped prototype time sense compressor accelerates individuals’ subjective perception of time; time passes quicker in their minds than in the real world, enabling them to accomplish significantly more within the same real-world time frame as their counterparts. However, despite its potential for enhancing efficiency and economic growth, several side effects accompany this technology on the individual’s mindset, “The mismatch between subjective time and physical time causes metabolic problems that accumulate into severe symptoms” [14]. The narrator is one of the individuals adversely affected by this technology. The reverse operation of this technology is an expensive treatment available exclusively to affluent individuals, “Time sense dilation is used on those old men because of the need to maintain stock prices or to delay power struggles among successors” [14]. This treatment allows the wealthy to prolong their life spans through this method:
The aging of the mind was intimately connected with the sense of the passage of time. By manipulating certain receptors in the pineal gland, it was possible to slow down one’s sense of time, to dilate it. The body of a person receiving time sense dilation therapy remains in the normal stream of time, but his mind experiences time a hundred, a thousand times slower than the rest of us [14].
The other main character, employed as a nurse in the “Time Care Unit”, has developed deep and frequent connections with patients. Her sense of time often syncs with that of the patients under her care. Research suggests that individuals experiencing the adverse effects of time sense dilation and time sense compression can mutually assist and serve as remedies for one another. Thus, she has to come to Lijiang to rehabilitate to remove the effects time dilation has on her body.
Throughout rehabilitation, the biorhythms of individuals undergoing “Time sense dilation” and “Time sense compression” are synchronized using Naxi folk music. Like the narrator said to the nurse, “I’m the yang to your yin” [14]. This treatment method embodies China’s traditional philosophy of achieving a harmonious balance between strength and gentleness, effectively mitigating the side effects of both techniques. The purpose of achieving equilibrium by equalizing the sense of time among individuals to maintain the city’s rapid economic growth and ensure social stability. The manipulation of individual perceptions of time, which involves speeding up or slowing down, is driven by the desire to maximize efficiency and safeguard the interests of those in power. Regrettably, the enduring welfare of the overall populace has been disregarded despite their pivotal function in distributing and shifting risks. This objective prioritizes the city’s prosperity over individual well-being and compromises their rights and interests. Chen Qiufan’s understanding of urban resilience is evident in his use of technology imagination to illustrate time-synchronization procedures, emphasizing the need for smart cities to exhibit flexibility and adaptability.
This work depicts a futuristic China in which metaphorical time-life resources are unevenly distributed across different social classes. The mass of people is subject to time constraints, and they are secreted away in a hidden fold of time. In essence, Lijiang serves as a vital force that alleviates urban issues, lightens the load of the metropolis, and bolsters its resilience. The existence of ordinary workers, such as the protagonist and the nurse, primarily revolves around prolonging the lives of the privileged few and promoting socio-economic progress. While this trend is associated with a perceived increase in resilience, it ultimately exacerbates social disparities between the affluent and the impoverished, with lower-class workers being notably excluded from the purported resilience. These priorities indicate the specific portions of a city (and, by extension, which inhabitants) the leadership considers to require the utmost attention during a crisis. The “recovery” experience varies significantly among individuals and social groups across diverse spatial contexts [6]. In this SF narrative, urban resilience is narrowly defined as promoting development and economic growth. Disregarding the rights and welfare of individual urban dwellers would ultimately lead to an imbalanced and vulnerable metropolis.
3 The Hidden Space in “Folding Beijing”
The common motif shared by the two stories revolves around the manipulation of temporal and spatial dimensions. Urban planning and city management encompass more than just considering the temporal perspective. In “Folding of Beijing,” this is exemplified through the fixed time allocated to different social groups and the construction of separate urban spaces. The central metaphor in the narrative revolves around the notion of the urban space compression process, which is repeated every twenty- four hours. The story unfolds from the perspective of the protagonist, Lao Dao, a 48-year-old man who has been in the Third Space since birth. Lao Dao has spent 28 years as a waste worker, following in his father’s footsteps. Similar to the other twenty million waste workers in the Third Space, who are masters of the night, Lao Dao’s daily routine allots him a mere 8 h of wakefulness, during which he must labor for 5 h. Lao Dao’s life initially follows this monotonous routine until he becomes a space-traveler. In pursuit of raising significant kindergarten tuition fees for his adopted daughter, Tangtang, Lao Dao is tasked by Qin Tian from the Second Space to deliver a message to the First Space illegally. During the journey from Third Space to Second and First Space, Lao Dao uncovers the official method of utilizing the technological capability of folding space to address issues related to urban development, overpopulation, high unemployment rate, upholding social stability, and enhance the city’s resilience.
The use of spatial metaphors is vital to the unfolding of this story, and the complex relationship between individuals and the urban environment in the novel can be vividly depicted and effectively communicated through urban planning. Beijing has implemented an arrangement to improve urban resilience by creating three distinct areas. Different social classes are segregated temporally and spatially, each existing independently without any interaction. The First and Second Space gradually encroach upon the living space of the residents of the Third Space, and systematically redistribute resources:
The folding city was divided into three spaces. One side of the earth was First Space, population five million. Their allotted time lasted from six o’clock in the morning to six o’clock the next morning... The other side was shared by Second Space and Third Space. Twenty–five million people lived in Second Space… Fifty million people lived in Third Space…Five million enjoyed the use of twenty–four hours, and seventy–five million enjoyed the next twenty–four hours [15].
The First Space comprises the most affluent and esteemed people in the city. The Second Space encompasses middle-class citizens. Third Space accommodates people who have to do the heaviest physical work. Portrayal of the future Beijing’s urban structure is an examination of the societal problems resulting from “the current technology-driven production method” [16]. To enhance the resources available to thirty million individuals, the temporal duration of fifty million Third Space residents has been condensed; they are shoved into the night. The process of “folding” demonstrates the urban planners’ and designers’ purpose to strengthen the city’s resilience to withstand and recover from challenges while also exposing the underlying ideological aspects of spatial development. The three-tiered spatial division, structured around the different social classes of urban inhabitants, is a powerful tool for exercising authority. City-fold technology exacerbates social disparity instead of resolving it. The portrayal of Beijing in the novel showcases a metropolis marked by seclusion and constraints, stifling both social mobility and intellectual freedom.
For urban planners, the Third Space remains concealed, neglected, and abandoned, serving as a dwelling for those deemed unproductive rather than social participants. In the promotional film played at the 50th anniversary of Folding Beijing, “The Folding City at Fifty”, the Third Space is obliterated from the urban landscape. Similar to the hidden space they inhabit, Third Space dwellers are almost invisible in the urban environment. Individuals like Lao Dao are concealed and can only be seen by inhabitants inside their specific areas. Consequently, they lose control over their bodies. Rather than being treated as individuals, they are governed collectively and just numbers.
He was but an ordinary person, one out of 51,280,000 others just like him. And if they didn’t need that much precision and spoke of only 50 million, he was but a rounding error, the same as if he had never existed [15].
The residents of the Third Space are the most prevalent life forms with minimal visibility. The existence of those disadvantaged individuals has been degraded to a mere statistic and a collection of embellished images. Lao Dao’s journey across different Spaces might be seen as a means of surpassing and opposing the enforced restrictions and standards. Although Lao Dao is aware of the grim reality, he is compelled to continue his low-level occupation to seek shelter in this metropolis.
Although three physical spaces have been established, city resilience is not pursued and measured holistically. Individuals deemed no longer valid to the city are banished to the Third Space. Using technology, the inhabitants of the third space are shielded to enhance Beijing’s overall resilience. The utilization of state violence in spatial practice eliminates inherent differences and fails to contribute to urban resilience. Instead, it undermines the dynamic cultural realm within each space, imposing a homogeneous way of life on the inhabitants of same space.
These folded spaces do not form an integrated system in which the well-being of all spaces is intricately interconnected, and all do not bear the costs of addressing the needs of the most disadvantaged. The notion of resilience appears merely an optimistic façade that fails to address the enduring disparities and disparate effects it claims to alleviate. It overlooks its inability to effectively aid those most in need of assistance.
4 Conclusion
Resilience encompasses both positive and negative aspects. However, resilient cities have gained widespread acceptance as desirable goals in academic and policy realms. With the widespread use of resilience in diverse contexts, there is a concern that its significance could diminish, rendering it a meaningless term. Inadequate emphasis is paid to power and equality issues when addressing resilience. The way resilience is put into practice can result in trade-offs in terms of space and time, and unequal distribution of benefits; these matters have been examined through technical imagination. In these SF works, time, typically uniform and continuous in reality, undergoes acceleration and redistribution, while space, usually boundless, also becomes fragmented. The underlying politics of resilience is discussed. Behind the imagination and application of technology, underlying ideological struggles, power dynamics, and profit-driven motives are at play. The prioritization of urban resilience is determined by how capital is allocated and distributed within this framework.
These SF works discussed above bolster urban resilience through technological interventions while mirroring current social issues in contemporary China. In these SF works, planners attempt to preserve or restore stable conditions in society and city using technology during times of societal turmoil. Within these narratives, the underdeveloped regions serve as a recycling center for grappling with the challenges of the developed regions and promoting their continued progress. The marginalized segments of society remain ensnared by the privileged. These two stories suggest that preserving stability conceals social issues rather than resolves them. The pursuit of resilience implementation assumes that authorities have the capacity and willingness to make determinations about vulnerable individuals and those who require protection.
Cities do not exhibit homogeneity with randomly dispersed inhabitants but rather are structured in a way that reflects and perpetuates fundamental socio-economic inequalities in these SF works. Therefore, labeling an entire city as “resilient” is excessively simplistic. Depending on specific location characteristics, various environmental changes are perceived differently in urban areas. The socioeconomically vulnerable individuals are concentrated in the most hazardous areas from a physical and environmental standpoint. The main characters of both stories grasp the fundamental principles governing time and space, yet they are unable to resist given their limited agency. While technological advancements bolster urban resilience in these narratives, such enhancements prove exclusive to select demographics within confined geographic regions, perpetuating a cycle where the majority bears the brunt of the sacrifice. The idealized state of pre-perturbation, sometimes romanticized as the ultimate objective of “recovery”, frequently fails to manifest as a fair or equal socio-economic system.
Nevertheless, SF writers demonstrate a profound understanding of the resilient cities. Chen Qiufan and Hao Jingfang showcase how urban areas can adapt and evolve through imaginative technologies. In addition, they underscore the indispensable role of the underprivileged population in bolstering urban resilience, advocating against their neglect.
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