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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

2. The Socio–Space–Time Relativity of the State

verfasst von : Carlos Manuel Sánchez Ramírez

Erschienen in: Knowledge Capitalism and State Theory

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

To approach the State theory beyond economics and politics, but also considering its space–time dimensions, Gramsic’s conceptual framework around Historic Bloc—Hegemony—and full State provides the needed backbone to carry out this assembly. As a State form resulted from hegemonic capability within Historic Bloc implies a spatial dimension, it also characterizes by its time dimension in terms of a phase of development. Moreover, a phase of development not only considers capitalism long-term cyclicality, but also the articulation between economic structure and social fabric mediated by the hegemonic capability within the Historic Bloc. That is to say, evolving State–spatial forms over time as the political foundation of the State to undertake an economic and spatial development pathway from a situation of backwardness in a certain stage of capitalism development.

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Fußnoten
1
In Marx’s Critique of Hegels Philosophy of the State and Law. He states that: “Through a progress in history, the political classes have been transformed into social classes, so that the different members of the people – as well as the Christians are equal in heaven and unequal on earth – they are equal in the sky of their political world and unequal in the earthly existence of society” (Marx, 1975a, p. 126).
 
2
“Only political superstition can still imagine in our day that bourgeois life must be kept in cohesion by the State, when in fact it is the other way around, that it is the State that is maintained in cohesion by bourgeois life” (Marx & Engels, 1967, p. 187).
 
3
“The structural characteristics that define the capitalist mode of production (privatization of the community, exploitation, etc.) favor that social subjects are marginalized from the possibility of constructing their social being in a direct, free and conscious way; this can be seen in the fact that the State monopolizes the social project. Separation between the social and the political that can only be overcome by destroying everything that makes society function under the dominance of the economy (the basis of the class struggle and the exteriority that makes the State necessary)” (Juanes, 1982, p. 492).
 
4
“Since the State is the form in which the individuals of a ruling class assert their common interests and in which the entire civil society of a time is condensed, it follows that all common institutions have the State as mediator and acquire through it a political form” (Marx & Engels, 1970, p. 72).
 
5
The strategy of Trotsky’s permanent revolution raised the need for power taking by the subordinate classes in all processes of historical crisis regardless of the lack of conditions for socialism. The historical crisis point developed from Marx’s affirmation in the Prologue to the contribution to the critique of political economy, states that certain social relations of production in a society do not disappear as long as they can contain the development of the productive forces. At the same time, new social relations of production do not replace the previous ones until the material conditions of their existence materialize, or are in the process of construction or emergence, which occurs within the old society, within the old social relations of production. Although there is a historical change (the transition from one mode of production to another: from the primitive community to slavery, from slavery to feudalism, from feudalism to capitalism), it is not automatic (Portanteiro, 1977).
 
6
“Thus, the State is in no way a power imposed from outside on society; nor is it ‘the reality of the moral idea’, nor ‘the image and reality of reason’, as Hegel claims. Rather, it is a product of society when it reaches a certain stage of development: it is the confession that that society has entangled in an irreparable contradiction with itself and is divided by irreconcilable antagonisms, which it is powerless to conjure. But in order that these antagonisms, these classes with competing economic interests, do not devour themselves and do not consume society in a sterile struggle, it is necessary a power apparently above society and called to cushion the shock, to keep them within the limits of ‘order’. And that power, born from society, but which rises above it and divorces it more and more, is the State” (Engels, 1989, pp. 141–142).
 
7
Mainly as a consequence of popular struggles, the State “ceases to be a traditional liberal to become a new mass democracy, open to a political struggle based on the broad recognition of rights and duties of social organizations such as unions, parties, ex-combatants, organs of public opinion and with new bureaucratic mediations of education, police, and social security open to regulation and citizen participation, both urban and rural” (Oliver, 2013, pp. 61–62).
 
8
The transition from the strategy of permanent revolution to the strategy of civil Hegemony also implies that, before considering the seizure of power and being dominant, the subaltern classes must be leaders. Civil Hegemony is an instrument that articulates consensus capacity with coercion capacity, to build a new social order. From a historical crisis as a starting point, and following a strategy of obtaining hegemonic positions in civil society, subaltern groups gradually take the reproduction of social management in their hands, building the alternative project that will be promoted later with the seizure of political power.
 
9
Capacity of consensus implies leadership capacity, capacity of a class or social group to convince most of society about the justice of its historical purposes.
 
10
Coercion is the ability to compel certain social groups to take as their own the historical objectives of the class that exercises Hegemony.
 
11
“The conception of the full State presupposes that all the means of intellectual and moral direction of a class over society are taken into account, the way in which it can achieve its Hegemony, even when it is the price of compromise balances tending to safeguard its own political power, particularly threatened in periods of crisis” (Buci-Glucksmann, 1979, p. 123).
 
12
Gramsci explains the Passive Revolution or Restoration Revolution as “the needs of the ‘thesis’ to develop fully, to the point of incorporating a part of the antithesis itself, so as not to be ‘overcome’, that is, in the dialectical opposition only the thesis, in fact, developed all its possibilities of struggle until winning over those who claim to be representatives of the antithesis” (Gramsci, 1981, TV, p. 188).
 
13
Gramsci distinguishes a specificity in the processes of Passive Revolution, starting from the “fact that a State substitutes local social groups to lead a renewal struggle. It is one of the cases in which the function of “dominance” and not of “leadership” occurs in these groups: dictatorship without Hegemony” (Gramsci, 1981, TV, p. 233).
 
14
“There is no doubt that factory building in England benefited considerably from the existence of many sources of private wealth. Precisely one of the characteristics of the development of this country is the fact that prior to it there was considerable progress that made individuals feel a great desire to invest for industrial purposes” (Gerschenkron, 1968, p. 53).
 
15
The Russian State carried out the task of adapting the subaltern classes to the economic apparatus of production, imposing heavy workloads on the generations whose life span coincided with the stages of intense development, even subjecting them to various measures of oppression, to prevent them from escaping through the southern and southeastern border regions (Gerschenkron, 1968, pp. 26–27).
 
16
Evans (2007) considers analyzes carried out by Garret, Kitschell, Lange Marks and Stephens, who show that the configuration of public institutions continues to modify the impact of globalization. He warns that, using data from the eighties and nineties of the twentieth century, Rodrik finds a strong correlation in OECD countries between public spending as a percentage of GDP and their openness to trade, concluding that countries that are more open trade, have larger State administrations. This trend is repeated when expanding the analysis to more than one hundred countries, most of them developing, in which he finds “a surprising positive correlation between the size of the state administration and its openness to trade” (p. 104).
 
17
By embedded liberalism Evans refers to developed countries after WWII when the solution to social conflict provided by Fordism—Keynesianism was the recognition of class conflict and the organization of social classes in large corporations of businessmen, workers, farmers, day laborers, etc., who negotiate the distribution of the economic surplus as a way to achieve growth based on domestic demand. As a triumphant power in the war conflict and together with the emerging international institutional framework (World Bank and the International Monetary Fund), the United States promotes Fordism—Keynesianism through the Marshall Plan, as a model to be followed by European countries in the reconstruction process. By controlling exchange rates, the United States inhibited trade wars and competitive devaluations, ensuring that countries based their growth process on domestic demand following American—Fordist model.
 
18
Within the historical analysis, it is important to consider that the emergence of the nation State is located in the sixteenth century, given the need of the rising bourgeoisie to consolidate territorial spaces that would become markets for their new products. This original process brings together the particles of territory derived from the previous feudal system, and represents the beginning of a continuous process of spatial transformation of the State that has taken various forms over time throughout the different phases of capitalism development.
 
19
Because Brenner develops his conceptual theoretical framework on the spatiality of the State from the State theory elaborated by Jessop, it is important to mention that on the concept of “scale”, Jessop (2002) takes up the approach of Swyngedouw. He defines it as “the space and the moment, discursively and materially, where the socio–spatial relations of power are disputed and agreements are negotiated and regulated. Therefore, scale is the result and outcome of the social dispute for power and control … [ Consequently] the theoretical and political priority… never resides in a particular geographic scale, but rather in the process through which particular scales get to be re – constituted” (p. 178).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
The Socio–Space–Time Relativity of the State
verfasst von
Carlos Manuel Sánchez Ramírez
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71411-6_2