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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

3. Third-Way Perspectives on Order in Interwar France: Personalism and the Political Economy of François Perroux

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Abstract

The chapter is concerned with the influence of communitarian personalism in the French third-way nonconformist debate in the 1930s that emerges in the framework of Catholic philosophy and a Catholic-based social and political ideas. This allows us to deal with interesting articulations that emerge between personalism, federalism, and corporatism, whether with regard to views on international order, as well as the search for third-way alternatives between liberal capitalism and communism, highlighting the ideas of François Perroux in period as an illustration of how personalist philosophy penetrated the political economy of corporatism.

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Fußnoten
1
Debates in the field of corporatism would be basically banned in the postwar period, given their easy association with fascist regimes, but it is possible to speak of a certain level of the recombination of elements coinciding in the plan of this “spiritual humanism.” In a sense, it is possible to understand that the third-way aspirations of a personalistic basis are grounded in a much broader Europeanist discourse of a philosophical nature. The ties to phenomenology and existentialism are clear in personalism; however, as a diffused and eclectic movement, without a clear universal reference point, the personalist perspective acquires different configurations in the work of different philosophers. The configuration of the personalist movement within the French debate of the period has, in this sense, correlations, for example, with ideas previously developed by other names in different parts of the continent, such as Rudolf Hermann Lotze, Rudolf Eucken (father of the central name of Ordoliberalism, Walter Eucken), and Charles Renouvier or, more particularly, Max Scheler, Nikolai Berdiaev, and Heinrich Pesch (Pasture 2018, 31).
 
2
On anti-liberal discourse in interwar Europe, see Gosewinkel (2015).
 
3
This component of disillusionment and pessimism ran throughout the whole interwar period, but it gained strength essentially in the 1930s. To a large extent this pessimism can be read as the opposite reaction to the euphoric attitude of living the moment intensely, typical of the 1920s (“les années folles”). This same combination of disillusionment and pessimism was present in different parts of Europe, translating an important aspect of the spirit of the time when expressing criticisms and questions about the cultural development of modern civilization. This critical attitude guided much of the creative energy of an entire generation that came into public debate in the 1930s. The answers offered were the most diverse, nevertheless the unrest and uneasiness about the course of the civilization was largely coincidental.
 
4
Action Française’s reactionary nationalism, under the leadership of Charles Maurras, exerted a great attraction on the French Catholic elite early twentieth century. Maurras actively sought to came close to Catholicism after the First World War, with the aim of achieving a nationalist and monarchist alliance, both of believers and non-believers. However, a Vatican doctrinal condemnation of Maurras and the Action Française in 1926 had a major impact among French Catholic intellectuals, most of whom sympathized with Action Française. This opened space for several re-elaborations of perspectives and worked as an important component of the development of French personalism in the 1930s (Deweer 2013, 109).
 
5
The third-way perspective of the French interwar debate, therefore, is not related to an intermediate point of bargaining and compromise, as in the perspective analyzed by Aurelian Craiutu (2017) in Faces of Moderation, discussing the importance of virtue of moderation in the success of representative governments and its institutions in contemporary democratic regimes.
 
6
The idea of a Christian Europe was equally important in one of the most famous movements of the interwar period, the Pan European Union proposed by Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. Nevertheless, the idea of Europe as a Christian project were equally part of other author’s perspectives in the past and an emblematic example is the fragment “Christendom or Europe” (“Die Christenheit oder Europa”) written in 1799 by Novalis [Friedrich Philipp von Hardenberg], calling for a universal Christian church to restore a Europe whose unity had been destroyed by the Reformation and the Enlightenment.
 
7
It is interesting to note how the personalist perspective is capable of promoting certain interesting convergence spaces, even among very different groups in the political spectrum. An interesting example of this is the proximity in certain aspects of Mounier’s discourse in his Manifeste au service du personnalisme (1936), in particular in the session that opens the Chapter 6, titled “Le nationalisme contre la nation,” and the ideas of the Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre, at that time one of the most prominent intellectuals of the French Communist Party, in his 1937 book, Le nationalisme contre les nations. Although Lefebvre’s book makes no mention of Mounier, there are several personalist references in the text. In the February 1938 edition of Esprit, the book would be praised in a review by Roger Labrousse, who insisted precisely on the point that it was not possible to ignore in this book “a series of references, even loans, to personalism,” and that these references would serve to facilitate Esprit’s readers’ agreement with Lefebvre’s background arguments, even if not necessarily “about the tactic” proposed by him (Labrousse 1938, 789).
 
8
Variations on the theme of corporatism were frequently evoked in nonconformist debates, in particular in the early 1930s, as an important element for the third-way proposals. Marc and Dupuis, for example, connected the topic to the regional issue in 1932, insisting that: “it is the region which also exercises the property right over all the riches which serve as means of production. Only the regional organization of production makes it possible to break with capitalism; because, at the same time as the system of private capitalism, it excludes, by a corporative organization, all forms of state capitalism” (Marc and Dupuis 1932, 322).
 
9
See Ribeiro (1993, 251).
 
10
This “humanistic” perspective of corporatism would be present, for example, in a new wave in Portuguese corporatism in the 1950s with strong inspiration from the tradition of social Catholicism and, in particular, the work of Perroux. These authors would have no problem referencing Perroux’s works from the 1930s with new works related to economic development that would appear in the 1950s and 1960s (Cardoso 2012, 109–10).
 
11
This formula of the economy of “tout l’homme et de tous les hommes” was widely used by Perroux in his studies of economic development from the 1950s onwards and exerted considerable influence on the social Catholicism discourse. Perroux was one of the founders, in Vichy times, of the movement “Economie et Humanisme” and close associate of the Dominican priest Louis-Joseph Lebret, which is why these ideas took part in the text of the 1967 encyclical “Populorum Progressio” of Pope Paul VI. On the movement “Economie et Humanisme,” see Pelletier (1996).
 
12
Historical Archives of the European Union at Florence, Italy: Fund “Pierre Uri”—PU-3 (“Réunion du samedi 1 5 juillet 1941” in “Études d’économie avec le professeur F. Perroux”).
 
13
The idea of “integral federalism” (as opposed to the “integral nationalism”) was in line with several sources of discourse that understood the nation as a kind of community of communities. It is noteworthy how this type of discourse in the mid-1930s could be appropriated by very different figures in the political spectrum. Here again, the reference to Henri Lefebvre and his 1937 book, Le nationalisme contre les nations is of particular interest (see Lefebvre 1988 [1937]). Lefebvre speaks positively of “integralism” and “total man” in his search to find, qualify or requalify terms capable of separating nationalism in its forces that pointed to totalitarianism, of aspects of the term that he understood as positive and that could be associated with the idea of homeland and community. There were undoubtedly many terms in dispute at that time, not only for Perroux or Lefebvre. What seemed to matter was most of all a redefinition of the discourse. Even if polarized on one side or the other of the political spectrum, there is a very broad interest, shared by a whole generation in 1930s France, in redefining the terms of the political discourse at a time when the responses presented seemed insufficient to deal with the various dimensions of a persistent crisis.
 
14
See for example: Marc (1932, 333) or Aron (1935, 282).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Third-Way Perspectives on Order in Interwar France: Personalism and the Political Economy of François Perroux
verfasst von
Alexandre M. Cunha
Copyright-Jahr
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47102-6_3