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2020 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

Towards a Unified, Semantically-Calculable and Anti-lexicalistic Analysis of Various Anaphoric Expressions Using “Stacked” Continuations

verfasst von : Noritsugu Hayashi

Erschienen in: New Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This paper takes an initial step to boil down the notion of (anti-)locality (or Binding Conditions A and B) of anaphoric expressions into semantic and morphological formalisms. Inspired by [15], this paper proposes a substructure internal to NPs which mirrors the verb cartography. This mirroring tree constitutes a stacked continuation which takes all the verbal heads one by one from the bottom to the root of the sentence. The tree can then be broken down to a part of a covert reflexivizer and the remaining dummy parts, the latter being filled with overt anaphoric morphemes. This treatment of anaphoric NPs enables a compositional analysis of complex anaphors (which tend to be local) and is subsumed under an established semantics and anti-lexalistic morphology. This paper also discusses more complex cases of multiple anaphors, verbal syncretism and non-c-commanding antecedents.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Even More Varieties of Conventional Implicatures: Paratactically Associating Intonation, Particles and Questions

Nächstes Kapitel Lambek Grammars as Second-Order Abstract Categorial Grammars

I mean anaphor(ic) here as a general term for anaphoric expressions. For anaphors that are obligatorily locally bound, the term reflexive is used instead.

In this connection, [18]’s quote that “compound reflexives [...] are usually clause bound while non-compound reflexives can frequently be long distance bound” is to be recalled.

In [15], both LOGOPHORs and EXOPHORs refer to intra-sentential long-distance anaphors. The difference between them lies in that LOGOPHORs are bound by their antecedents (generating sloppy interpretations) while EXOPHORS are strictly interpreted. PRONOUNs are inter-sentential anaphors.

However, [15]’s author has recently abandoned the LOGOPHOR/EXOPHOR distinction and unified them to DIAPHORs because the same interpretive alternation is also found in ANAPHORs (personal communication). That is, The sloppy/strict reading alternation is orthogonal to structural distances of anaphoric relations (but nevertheless it has some interactions with choices between ANAPHORs and DIAPHORs). I am not going to incorporate this change of hers in this paper, but it is worth noting that the LOGOPHOR/EXOPHOR distinction should be addressed in other ways than stacked-up continuations, which is exempt from being explained here.

Note that \(\text {T}' = \text {NPsbj} \rightarrow \text {TP}\).

A fixed verbal cartography is necessary for deciding what are stacked in \(\uparrow \), which will be given later as (17) .

In this subsection I will concentrate on \(\uparrow \) as a functor. The argumentation in the following can be extended to \(\uparrow _F\) as a functor transformer, where F is a functor such that \(F(A\rightarrow B) = A \rightarrow F(B)\).

Properly speaking, I mean a self-mapping on the category (of syntactic categories).

This spares us covert head postulates. One can also sublimate my covert reflexivizer \(\emptyset \) by incorporating it into predicates.

Note that this kind of functional compositions are what [23] proposes for the framework of Nanosyntax, dubbed merge-XP, the least preferred way of merging T\(^{0}\) with

https://static-content.springer.com/image/chp%3A10.1007%2F978-3-030-58790-1_14/492379_1_En_14_IEq65_HTML.gif

, which involves the exact same tree structuring as the verb part of (6).

This is pointed by [15]’s author which is discussed in her forthcoming paper.

Note that the direction of the continuation combination is changed from left-to-right to right-to-left here. The consequence is that phenomena other than anaphors such as wh-superiority should be reconsidered.

Lowering

https://static-content.springer.com/image/chp%3A10.1007%2F978-3-030-58790-1_14/492379_1_En_14_IEq93_HTML.gif

to a TP appears to compromise [2]’s account for crossover effects. However, the problem will not happen in our theory because in our theory anaphors must find their antecedents upwards.

The reason that I do not make use of the nature of being a functor transformer (in Sect. 4.1) lies here. The apparent algebra of type (\(\uparrow _{\mathcal {C}_2}(A) \rightarrow \uparrow _{\mathrm{id}}(A))\), which is made from the \(\mathcal {C}_2\)’-algebra (of type \(\mathcal {C}_2(A)\rightarrow A\)), will take effect only at RootP.

Its semantic import is

https://static-content.springer.com/image/chp%3A10.1007%2F978-3-030-58790-1_14/492379_1_En_14_IEq99_HTML.gif

. where \(l_1\) and \(l_2\) are expected to be the continuation lowering functions.

It is because that the reflexivizer

https://static-content.springer.com/image/chp%3A10.1007%2F978-3-030-58790-1_14/492379_1_En_14_IEq102_HTML.gif

does not involve the second layer of the continuations.

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Titel: Towards a Unified, Semantically-Calculable and Anti-lexicalistic Analysis of Various Anaphoric Expressions Using “Stacked” Continuations
verfasst von: Noritsugu Hayashi
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: New Frontiers in Artificial Intelligence
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-58789-5

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-58790-1

Copyright-Jahr: 2020
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58790-1_14

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