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2014 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

4. Traditional Authorities, Local Justice and Local Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in South Sudan

verfasst von : Martina Santschi

Erschienen in: Is Local Beautiful?

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter explores local justice and conflict resolution mechanisms using the example of South Sudan. By describing and critically discussing different arenas of local justice and conflict resolution mechanisms, it contributes to reflections on the meaning of the term ‘local’ in South Sudan. The chapter illustrates that chiefs play a significant role in local justice as well as in conflict resolution in South Sudan. In addition, the chapter exemplifies that ‘local level’, ‘grassroots’ conflict resolution mechanisms are multi-layered and frequently involve regional and national government institutions as well as external actors such as UN agencies, international donors and international NGOs that support peace initiatives and peace conferences.

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Fußnoten
1
In this chapter individuals who occupy administrative chieftaincies are referred to as chiefs. However, all other forms of leaders who date back to the pre-colonial era, such as elders, spiritual leaders, cattle camp leaders and clan heads, are referred to as traditional authorities.
 
2
The tern bany alath is widely used in Dinka communities in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal State.
 
3
In practice a number of the existing executive chiefs were promoted to paramount chiefs.
 
4
Moreover, chiefs commonly have the responsibility to collect compensation cattle. In Dinka communities in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal State, the compensation for a human death is 31 heads of cattle that are collected by the chiefs among clan members close to the perpetrator.
 
5
Livestock movements regularly cause disputes between herders on the one side and agro-pastoralists and agriculturalists on the other side when livestock destroys fields and gardens.
 
6
While arable land is mostly ‘used’ by households, pasture is generally used and controlled by communities (Mawson 1989).
 
7
Since the past civil war, established rules in warfare, such as the sparing of women, children and elders from violent attacks, are frequently ignored (Agwanda/Harris 2009; Beswick 1998; Bradbury et al. 2006).
 
8
Respondents from Northern Bahr el-Ghazal State argued that in view of the devastating Murahaleen raids of the past civil war, Dinka from today’s Northern Bahr el-Ghazal halted intra and inter-communal fighting within the state (Santschi 2014).
 
10
In relation to livestock migration, conflicts between farmers and herders regularly emerge when livestock destroys fields.
 
11
Riek Machar and his troops as well engaged in local peace processes. One example was a peace process between Jikany and Lou Nuer in Akobo in 1994 (Jenner 2000).
 
12
The NSCC emerged in the 1980s as an ecumenical organization working in SPLA controlled areas (Bradbury et al. 2006; Jenner 2000). The Sudan Council of Churches was active in GoS controlled areas.
 
13
NSCC and the SPLM/A had a difficult relation as the NSCC tried to keep distance to all parties in conflict (Bradbury et al. 2006). In the early 1990s numerous attempts to foster reconciliation failed.
 
14
The SPLM/A had an ambiguous relation to the Wunlit peace conference. While John Garang, the Commander in Chief of the SPLA and the Chairman of the SPLM, was only to a limited degree sympathetic, Salva Kiir, his Deputy, was supportive of the peace process (Bradbury et al. 2006). The side of Riek Machar backed the conference after being convinced by the NSCC. President Bashir expressed the willingness to back the process but later the Government of Sudan (GoS) armed Paulino Matiep, a Bul Nuer militia leader, who refused to join the conference (Beyna et al. 2001; Bradbury et al. 2006).
 
15
IGAD member states were Sudan, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya, and Uganda (Jenner 2000).
 
16
Ahead of the Wunlit conference, workshops and reciprocal meetings to foster trust building in the respective communities were held (Bradbury et al. 2006).
 
17
In 1991, the Riek Machar together with Lam Akol and Gordon Kong declared that they had overthrown John Garang. They founded the SPLM/A Nasir (Bradbury et al. 2006).
 
18
Bradbury et al. (2006) questioned however whether any of the international actors could have arranged an event that was as effective as the Wunlit peace conference.
 
24
The Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the GoS armed the Murahaleen militia to raid and fight communities in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal (Beswick 1998; Mathok 2010).
 
25
Bradbury et al. argued that peace markets “though limited in effect, were more spontaneous, more of a grassroots movement than the people-to-people meetings” (2006: 37).
 
26
According to the UNMIS Civilian Affairs Division, the severe armed clashes were attributed to “causing a high number of fatalities on both sides” (UNMIS 2008). Before and after these serious clashes “low-level acts of violence and abuses perpetrated by both sides” occurred.
 
27
Senior politicians from both areas were part of the committee. In addition to that, a GoNU ministerial committee under the senior SPLM member Pagan Amum and the senior NCP official Ahmed Haroun oversaw the peace process (Draft conference report 2009).
 
28
Respondents from Northern Bahr el-Ghazal argued that the NCP tried to influence the conference. The respondents assumed that the NCP had no interest in good relations between Dinka Malwal and Misseriya (Santschi 2009).
 
29
Yet, the relations between Rizeiqat from Darfur, who enter the north-western parts of Northern Bahr el-Ghazal for grazing whereas the Misseriya herders move to the north-eastern part of Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, were better. Accordingly, the Rizeiqat continue to move their livestock to Northern Bahr el-Ghazal (Concordis International 2012).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Traditional Authorities, Local Justice and Local Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in South Sudan
verfasst von
Martina Santschi
Copyright-Jahr
2014
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-00306-1_4