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2021 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

Transferability of the Franco-German Model in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict

verfasst von : Cécile Cohen-Blaser, Gisela Dachs

Erschienen in: Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Im Hinblick auf den israelisch-palästinensischen Konflikt hat die deutsch-französische Annäherung als übertragbarer Entwurf für eine Aussöhnung eindeutig ihre Grenzen. Im Kern ist die israelisch-palästinensische Verstrickung keine Rivalität zwischen zwei Einheiten, sondern muss innerhalb des breiter angelegten israelisch-arabischen Konflikts angesiedelt sein, in dem viele Akteure am Werk sind. Dennoch weist dieses Kapitel darauf hin, dass es Gemeinsamkeiten gibt, wie geografische Nähe, den Mut politischer Führer, auf die "andere Seite" zuzugehen, um die Beziehungen zu verändern und zum Aufbau von Vertrauen beizutragen, sowie den übergeordneten Einfluss geopolitischer Veränderungen. Auch wenn diese Gemeinsamkeiten begrenzt sind und nicht überbewertet werden sollten, argumentiert dieses Kapitel mit einem kombinierten theoretischen und empirischen Ansatz, dass das historische Beispiel der deutsch-französischen Aussöhnung in den Friedensgesprächen im Nahen Osten immer wieder durchschimmerte und bis heute als Bezugspunkt und Projektionsraum für Hoffnung dient.

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Vorheriges Kapitel Reconciliation Through Trust and a Common Destiny: The Algerian and Moroccan Relationship on the Line

Nächstes Kapitel Iran and Saudi Arabia’s Difficult Pathway Toward Reconciliation: A Conversation

Palestinians with Israeli citizenship and from East Jerusalem.

On closer inspection, the emerging relationship between France and Germany had not been on equal footing either as West Germany was a semi-sovereign state until 1990, and political forces in France had been in favor of closely controlling and even occupying Germany after the Second World War.

For the sake of preserving the students’ anonymity, no detailed sources are provided after the following quotes by the students. All citations are based on contributions such as presentations or final written reports and essays following the study trip or the seminar.

The Franco-German Brigade is, in fact, only bi-national at the level of command at its headquarters in Müllheim.

Considering the length of the battle (the battle lasted from February 21, 1916 until December 19, 1916), the number of men involved (an estimated 800,000 men were considered dead, wounded, or missing) and the size of the battlefield, which was not even ten square kilometers in size.

There is security cooperation, but it remains the case until this day that no Egyptian journalist, lawyer, teacher, or engineer can be in touch with Israelis without risking losing his or her membership of professional associations. The same goes for Jordan.

We are aware that, by talking about this “common ground,” we are referring to a cautiously and deliberately constructed narrative of Franco-German rapprochement that emerged in the 1960s and that was pejoratively labeled “Versöhnungskitsch” (reconciliation kitsch) by the journalist Klaus Bachmann. The strategy of referring to common ground such as the era of Charlemagne or clear military confrontation history such as Verdun was chosen to avoid talking about a much more difficult past of both France and Germany during the Second World War (Moll 2012: 31 et seq.).

See surveys of public opinion between 1993 and 1995 conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR) in Ramallah, summarized in Shikaki (1996).

A recent poll by the Arab Barometer shows that optimism about reconciliation is continuing to drop, with 30% of Palestinians being optimistic and 67% of Palestinians pessimistic about the success of reconciliation with Israel. Three months ago, optimism stood at 33% (Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research 2019). However, the latest issue of the Peace Index, a longitudinal research project by Tel Aviv University based on a monthly survey that monitored public sentiments on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict since June 1994, showed in December 2018 that 47% of the Jewish–Israeli citizens and 72% of the Arab–Israeli citizens found it important for the next Israeli government to renew negotiations with the Palestinian Authority (Yaar and Hermann 2019).

Keeping in mind that Sadat was the first Arab president to officially acknowledge Israel’s right to exist in his speech before the Israeli Knesset in November 1977. Sadat hoped for a domino effect, but instead his action prompted a vast majority of Arab state leaders to sever diplomatic relations with Egypt.

In Israel, the first ‘Intifada’ (Arab: to shake off) from 1987, a civil uprising of the Palestinians against the Israeli occupation, as well as a growing internal criticism of this occupation had led to a gradual rethinking.

Historically, there might be references in the canon such as “Semites” to include Jews and Arabs from the Middle East, but this term is simply not in use anymore. On the Israeli side, Jewish immigrants from the Islamic world prefer to be called “oriental Jews” to make a distinction with the term “Arab Jews.” The latter is only used by a number of left-wing intellectuals in Israel (Shenhav 2009; Shohat 2017).

See Rosoux (2019). Neither in the Israeli–Palestinian context nor in the Franco-German context projects of a joint history textbook can be seen as a big success.

See the study by the Institute for Monitoring Peace and Cultural Tolerance in School Education (Pardo 2017), an NGO that studies attitudes toward peace and “the other” in school textbooks throughout the Middle East. See also Schreiber (2019).

Ackermann, A. (1994). Reconciliation as a peace-building process in postwar Europe: The Franco-German case. Peace & Change, 19(3), 229–250.CrossRef

Bar-Siman-Tov, Y. (2004). From conflict resolution to reconciliation. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRef

Dachs, G. (Ed.). (2016). Länderbericht Israel (Country report Israel). Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (Federal Agency for Civic Education).

French-German Cultural Center. (2016). Official website. Retrieved March 02, 2020 from https://www.frenchgermanculturalcenter.org/.

Gardner Feldman, L. (1999). The principle and practice of ‘reconciliation’ in German foreign policy: Relations with France, Israel, Poland and the Czech Republic. International Affairs, 75(2), 333–356.CrossRef

Gilad, M. (2018, December 14). Security or stupidity? Haaretz Guide, pp. 3–4.

Moll, N. (2012). Effacer le passé au nom de l’amitié? La gestion des mémoires de la Seconde Guerre mondiale au sein du processus de réconciliation franco-allemande (Erase the past in the name of friendship? The management of the memories of the Second World War within the Franco-German reconciliation process). Allemagne d’aujourd’hui (Germany Today), 2012(3), 28–39.

Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research. (2019). Public opinion poll, 73. Retrieved March 10, 2020 from https://pcpsr.org/en/node/775.

Pardo, E. J. (2017). Palestinian elementary school curriculum 2016–17, radicalization and revival of the PLO program. IMPACT-se. Retrieved March 02, 2020 from https://www.impact-se.org/wp-content/uploads/PA-Curriculum-2017-Revised.pdf.

Peres, S. (1993). Die Versöhnung: Der neue Nahe Osten (Reconciliation: The new Middle East). Berlin: Siedler.

Primor, A. (2013). Süß und ehrenvoll (Sweet and honorable). Berlin: Quadriga Verlag.

Primor, A. (2014, January 17). When a French Jew met a German Jew on the Battlefield, Interview with Avi Primor by G. Dachs. i24news.

Rosoux, V. (2008). Reconciliation as a peace-building process: Scope and limits. In J. Bercovitch, V. Kremenyuk, & W. Zartman (Eds.), The Sage handbook of conflict resolution (pp. 543–563). Thousand Oaks: Sage.

Rosoux, V. (2015). Réconciliation post conflit: À la recherche d’une typologie (Post-conflict reconciliation: In search for a typology). Revue internationale de politique comparée (International Review of Comparative Politics), 22(4), 557–577.

Rosoux, V. (2019). Israeli and Palestinian stories: Can mediators reconfigure incompatible narratives? Global Policy, 10(2), 1–7. https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12675CrossRef

Schreiber, C. (2019). Kinder des Koran: Was muslimische Schüler lernen (Children of the Koran: What Muslim pupils learn). Berlin: Econ Verlag.

Shenhav, Y. (2009). Arabische Juden (Arabic Jews). In G. Dachs (Ed.), Jüdischer Almanach der Leo Baeck Institute: Identitäten (Jewish Almanach of the Leo Baeck Institutes: Identity) (pp. 79–93). Berlin: Shurkamp.

Shikaki, K. (1996). The peace process: National reconstruction and transition to democracy in Palestine. Journal of Palestine Studies, 24(2), 5–20.CrossRef

Shohat, E. (2017). On the Arab-Jew, Palestine, and other displacements, selected writings. London: Pluto Press.CrossRef

Yaar, E., & Hermann, T. (2019). The peace index December 2018. Peace Index. Retrieved March 10, 2020 from https://www.peaceindex.org/indexMonthEng.aspx?num=338&monthname=December.

Titel: Transferability of the Franco-German Model in the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
verfasst von: Cécile Cohen-Blaser
Gisela Dachs
Verlag: Springer International Publishing
Buch: Franco-German Relations Seen from Abroad
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-55143-8

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-55144-5

Copyright-Jahr: 2021
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55144-5_9