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2018 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

9. Troikanomics: Legacy and Lessons

verfasst von : Ray Kinsella, Maurice Kinsella

Erschienen in: Troikanomics

Verlag: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

In this chapter we reflect on the legacy of Troikanomics, in particular as an expression of an existential crisis that continues to assail the EU. Drawing on the experience of its establishment and imposition, we discuss lessons that can be learnt that bear on the wider European Project's ability to perform as a democratic community. The era of the ‘Troika’ has been a time of great turmoil for the Eurozone and for the wider EU. For those countries compelledto enter into Bailout Programmes, it constitutes an existential epoch without precedent in modern European history. No dimension of people’s lives, or the autonomy of their governing authorities , was left unaffected by the intrusion of Troikanomics into their national psyche. It wasn’t alone the individual member nations caught up in these bailouts that were scarred by the experience. So too was the EU itself. Troikanomics made explicit a side of the EU that had not been witnessed to this degree before—a hegemony that has been willing to subjugate members’ autonomy so as to perpetuate a set of suboptimal institutional arrangements. The implications for ‘Project Europe’, 10 years on from the initial European Banking and Debt Crisis and as it approaches an era of profound change, are wide-ranging. These have to do with issues such as the EU’s identity, its purpose, and its values. In this context, what, if any, are the lessons that have been learnt over the last turbulent decade?

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Fußnoten
1
This tension is discussed by Schulz-Forberg (2012).
 
2
This issue was explicitly addressed in the European Parliament’s Report on the Role and Operations of the Troika (2014). Here, they acknowledge that in spite of this explicit pretext of ‘negotiation’ which the Memorandum of Understanding between Member States and the Troika operated under, the manner in which these negotiations were conducted lacked transparency.
 
3
See, for example, Hillebrand (2014) who argues that in addition to the failure of financial markets, there were also inadequate Eurozone institutions and a debt crisis with which to contend.
 
4
A number of analysts have drawn attention to the institutional design failures underpinning the European Monetary Union, and the extent to which these failures instigated, perpetuated, and exacerbated the European Debt Crisis. For example, Bergsten (2012) notes the dearth in economic alignments (e.g. fiscal coordination) and Aizenman (2016) discusses the lack in institutional and policy backstops to asymmetric shocks—both issues seriously undermining the viability of this project. Lane (2012) also discusses the consequences of the Euro’s initial institutional design inadequacies—both increasing fiscal risks during the pre-crisis period, and amplifying the fiscal impact of the crisis.
 
5
By this, we mean that each composite part is functionally attuned to carrying out its distinctive tasks and ensuring the stability of the wider system.
 
6
The ECB (2009) argues that, alongside the unwinding of financial imbalances and the occurrence of severe macro shocks, contagion is one of the mechanisms by which financial instability becomes so widespread that a crisis reaches systemic dimensions. This necessitates placing the containment and mitigation of contagion as a crisis management priority.
 
7
The intertwined nature of countries’ economic and political infrastructure is discussed by Schwab (2012) and Fagan and Gaspar (2007).
 
8
The growing economic asymmetry between Germany and peripheral EU Members is discussed in further detail by Ash (2012). Here, Germany—capitalising on its trade partners discontinuing competitive devaluation efforts—has held significant competitive advantages in areas such as export markets. These current account surpluses led to large capital outflows from banks that inundated peripheral markets with credit. Menéndez (2014) also discusses the asymmetries more broadly between the ‘core Eurozone states and the peripheral members which, while giving the impression of income and wealth convergence, were actually masking growing divergence. This sequence of events is made all the more ironic in light of the European Commission’s Report (2008), which stated that the EMU had ‘brought significant benefits to its member countries engaged in a catching-up process’, thanks to ‘the environment of macroeconomic stability and low interest rates coupled with the support of the cohesion policy and its Structural and Cohesion Funds’.
 
9
See Traynor (2015).
 
10
See Grabow (2011).
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Troikanomics: Legacy and Lessons
verfasst von
Ray Kinsella
Maurice Kinsella
Copyright-Jahr
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97070-7_9