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2014 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

Vía Campesina’s Struggle for the Right to Food Sovereignty: From Above or from Below?

verfasst von : Priscilla Claeys

Erschienen in: Rethinking Food Systems

Verlag: Springer Netherlands

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Abstract

The transnational agrarian movement La Vía Campesina has successfully mobilized a human rights discourse in its struggle against capitalism and neoliberalism. As La Vía Campesina celebrates its 20th anniversary, this chapter proposes a critical overview of the right of peoples to food sovereignty. Looking at food sovereignty both as La Vía Campesina’s most prominent collective action frame and as a new collective human right, this chapter explores some of the challenges social movements are confronted with when using human rights. It discusses efforts by La Vía Campesina to achieve the international recognition of food sovereignty as a new human right and explores past and current challenges involved in the institutionalization of food sovereignty.

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Fußnoten
1
Saturnino Borras, La Vía Campesina and its Global Campaign for Agrarian Reform, in Transnational Agrarian Movements Confronting Globalization 109 (Saturnino Borras, Marc Edelman & Cristóbal Kay eds., 2008).
 
2
Peter Rosset & Maria Elena Martinez, La Vía Campesina: the Birth and Evolution of a Transnational Social Movement, 37 J. Peasant Stud. 149 (2010); Peter P. Houtzager, The Movement of the Landless (MST): Juridical Field, and Legal Change in Brazil, in Law and Globalization From Below: Towards a Cosmopolitan Legality (Boaventura De Sousa Santos & César A. Rodríguez-Garavito eds., 2005); Rajeev Patel, Transgressing Rights: La Via Campesina’s Call for Food Sovereignty, 13 Feminist Econ. 87 (2007); Transnational Agrarian Movements Confronting Globalization (Saturnino Borras, Marc Edelman & Cristóbal Kay eds., 2008).
 
3
Neil Stammers, Human Rights and Social Movements 102 (2009).
 
4
Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (1998).
 
5
Annette Aurélie Desmarais, La Vía Campesina: Une Réponse Paysanne à la Crise Alimentaire (2008); Rosset & Martinez, supra note 2; Transnational Agrarian Movements Confronting Globalization, supra note 2.
 
6
Pierre Dardot & Christian Laval, La Nouvelle Raison du Monde 355 (2009).
 
7
Haroon Akram Lodhi & Cristóbal Kay, Neoliberal Globalisation: the Traits of Rural Accumulation and Rural Politics, the Agrarian Question in the Twentieth Century, in Peasants and Globalisation: Political Economy, Rural Transformation and the Agrarian Question 318 (Haroon Akram Lodhi & Cristóbal Kay, 2008).
 
8
Peter Rosset, Food is Different: Why We Must Get the WTO Out of Agriculture 43 (Global Issues Series, 2006).
 
9
Id. at 30.
 
10
Adding to the impacts of trade liberalization, the technical transformation of farming through chemicalization and mechanization in the US and industrialized North resulted in increased concentration and a growing labor and land productivity gap between large scale capitalist farmers in both North and South and small-scale farmers mostly in the South. Moreover, the elimination of capital controls among economies, to enable speculative capital to move quickly to take advantage of differentials in value of currencies, stocks and other financial instruments, resulted in the emergence of a truly unified global capital market. As input-output chains became territorially optimized, and were no longer producer-driven but buyer-driven, farmers found themselves to be mere price-takers with little information at hand. As these chains grew, they often merged with, acquired or forced out smaller retailers.
 
11
The Mons meeting led to the creation of Vía Campesina as a transnational network. Peasant leaders who attended the 1993 meeting defined five regions and elected a Coordinating Commission made up of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), representing South America, ASOCODE, representing Central America, the Caribbean, and North America, Peasant Solidarnosc (Poland), representing Eastern Europe, KMP (Philippines), representing Asia, and CPE (Europe), representing Western Europe.
 
12
“Avant, l’état d’esprit c’était ‘il faut aider les petits noirs’ [referring to the African famines of 1973–74 and of the mid-80s], là on a realisé qu’on se détruisait l’un l’autre”. Interview with French Peasant, Confédération paysanne, Vía Campesina, in Montreuil, Fr. (May 4, 2010).
 
13
Marc Edelman & Carwil James, Peasants’ Rights and the UN System: Quixotic Struggle? Or Emancipatory Idea Whose Time Has Come?, 38 J. Peasant Stud., 90 (2011).
 
14
Farshad A. Araghi, Global Depeasantization, 1945–1990, 36 Soc. Q. 337 (1995).
 
15
Philip McMichael, A Food Regime Genealogy, 36 J. Peasant Stud. 139 (2009).
 
16
Rosset & Martinez, supra note 2, at 154.
 
17
Tina D. Beuchelt & Detlef Virchow, Food Sovereignty or the Human Right to Adequate Food: Which Concept Serves Better as International Development Policy for Global Hunger and Poverty Reduction?, 29 Agric. & Hum. Values 259 (2012).
 
18
Priscilla Claeys, The Creation of New Rights by the Food Sovereignty Movement: The Challenge of Institutionalizing Subversion, 46 Soc. 844, 845, (2012).
 
19
Robert Benford & David Snow, Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization, 1 Int’l Soc. Movements Res. 197, 198 (1988).
 
20
Id. at 199.
 
21
Robert Benford & David Snow, Framing Processes and Social Movements: an Overview and Assessment, 26 Ann. Rev. Soc. 611, 618 (2000).
 
22
Id. at 619.
 
23
Doug McAdam, The Framing Function of Movement Tactics: Strategic Dramaturgy in the American Civil Rights Movements, in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings 338 (Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy & Mayer N. Zald eds., 1996); Steve Valocchi, The Emergence of the Integrationist Ideology in the Civil Rights Movement, 43 Social Probs. 116 (1996).
 
24
Kathleen E. Hull, The Political Limits of the Rights Frame: the Case of Same-Sex Marriage in Hawaii, 44 Soc. Persp . 207 (2001); Ken Plummer, Rights Work: Constructing Lesbian, Gay and Sexual Rights in Late Modern Times, in Rights: Sociological Perspectives (Lydia Morris ed., 2006).
 
25
Ellen Reese & Garnett Newcombe, Income Rights, Mothers’ Rights, or Workers’ Rights? Collective Action Frames, Organizational Ideologies, and the American Welfare Rights Movement, 50 Soc. Probs. 294 (2003).
 
26
Juanita Elias, Transnational Migration, Gender, and Rights: Advocacy and Activism in the Malaysian Context, 48 Int’l Migration 44, 44–71 (2010).
 
27
Eric Agrikoliansky, Les Usages Protestataires du Droit, in Penser les Mouvements Sociaux: Conflits Sociaux et Contestations Dans les Sociétés Contemporaines 229 (Olivier Fillieule, Eric Agrikoliansky & Isabelle Sommier eds., 2010).
 
28
Patrick H. Mooney & Scott A. Hunt, A Repertoire of Interpretations: Master Frames and Ideological Continuity in U.S. Agrarian Mobilization, 37 Soc. Q. 179 (1996).
 
29
Valocchi, supra note 23, at 118.
 
30
Agrikoliansky, supra note 27, at 232.
 
31
Kevin Kolben, Labor Rights as Human Rights?, 50 Va. J. Int’l L. 453 (2008).
 
32
Id. at 477.
 
33
Charles Tilly, La France Conteste (1986).
 
34
Liberalism can be defined as a project that “promotes social outcomes that are, as far as possible, the result of free individual choices, provided that such choices respect equal freedom and the rights of others”. For more on this, see John Charvet & Elisa Kaczynska-Nay, The Liberal Project and Human Rights: The Theory and Practice of a New World Order 2 (2008).
 
35
Id. at 11–12.
 
36
Claeys, supra note 18, at 848.
 
37
Marc Edelman, Peasants Against Globalization: Rural Social Movements in Costa Rica (1999).
 
38
Id. at 102–103.
 
39
As early as 1993, in the Mons Declaration, Via Campesina demanded “the right of every country to define its own agricultural policy according to the nation’s interest and in concertación [sic] with the peasant and Indigenous organizations, guaranteeing their real participation”, although not explicitly linking these claims to food sovereignty.
 
40
NGO Forum to the World Food Summit, Profit for a Few or Food for All, Statement at the Occasion of the World Food Summit, Rome, Italy (Nov. 1996).
 
41
Vía Campesina, Seattle Declaration: Take WTO Out of Agriculture (Dec. 3, 1999).
 
42
Id.
 
43
Although WTO and trade were the main focus of mobilizations between Rome (1996) and Seattle (1999), anti-GMOs mobilizations were very important also, in particular in the 1998–2003 period, and were often led under the food sovereignty banner.
 
44
Tobias Reichert, Agricultural Trade Liberalization in Multilateral and Bilateral Negotiations, in The Global Food Challenge: Towards a Human Rights Approach to Trade and Investment Policies 33 (FIAN & IATP, 2009).
 
45
Ruth Reitan, Global Activism (2007).
 
46
Interview with WTO Staff, Geneva, Switz. (June 25, 2008).
 
47
Frames are intimately connected to the social, cultural and political environments in which they emerge; they are built using available cultural toolkits. Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 629.
 
48
“Frame amplification” designates attempts by activists to invigorate existing values or beliefs. Id. at 624.
 
49
Mooney and Hunt use the term “repertoires of interpretations” to highlight that movements interpret and reconstruct existing systems of meanings. They contend that such repertoires can draw on several frames and that ideological themes persist between movements over time. Ideologies might lead an underground existence, survive and re-emerge in what they call “abeyance processes”. Mooney & Hunt, supra note 28, at 179.
 
50
“Cuando salió el concepto, fue intuitivo e incontrolable, salió de un grupo pequeño, que hoy es todo el mundo”. Vía Campesina Leader Paul Nicholson, at ECVC Seminar on Food Sovereignty and Trade, Paris, Fr. (Jan. 8–9, 2009).
 
51
Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 619.
 
52
Mooney & Hunt, supra note 28, at 184.
 
53
Borras, supra note 1, at 109.
 
54
Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 623.
 
55
Analysis of other social movements has shown that, over time, frames are increasingly shaped by strategic decisions and contests with interlocutors. See Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy & Mayer N. Zald, Introduction: Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Framing ProcessesTowards a Synthetic, Comparative Perspective on Social Movements, in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings 16 (Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy & Mayer N. Zald eds., 1996).
 
56
Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 625.
 
57
Food Sovereignty rests on 6 pillars: Focuses on Food for people (1), Values Food Providers (2), Localizes Food Systems (3), Puts Control Locally (4), Builds Knowledge and Skills (5), Works with Nature (6). Nyeleni Food Sovereignty Forum, Synthesis Report: Nyeleni Forum for Food Sovereignty 2007 (2007).
 
58
The selection and adaptation of frames to other contexts, a direct result of frame diffusion processes, have been well documented. Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 627.
 
59
Kolben, supra note 31, at 477.
 
60
Annelise Riles, Anthropology, Human Rights, and Legal Knowledge: Culture in the Iron Cage, 108 Am. Anthropologist 52 (2006).
 
61
Neil Stammers, Human Rights and Social Movements 106 (2009).
 
62
Id.
 
63
Such a convention “would implement, within the international policy framework, Food Sovereignty and the basic human rights of all peoples to safe and healthy food, decent and full rural employment, labor rights and protection, and a healthy, rich and diverse natural environment. It would also incorporate trade rules on food and agricultural commodities”. See Our World is Not for Sale: Priority to Peoples’ Food Sovereignty, WTO out of Food and Agriculture (Nov. 6, 2001), available at www.​citizen.​org/​documents/​wtooutoffood.​pdf.
 
64
Annette Aurélie Desmarais, The WTO … Will Meet Somewhere, Sometime: And We Will Be There! (2003).
 
65
Our World is Not for Sale, supra note 63.
 
66
NGO/CSO Forum for Food Sovereignty, Food Sovereignty: A Right For All Political Statement of the NGO/CSO Forum for Food Sovereignty (2002); NGO/CSO Forum for Food Sovereignty, Food Sovereignty: Action Agenda (2002).
 
68
Michael Windfuhr & Jennie Jonsén, FoodFirst Information and Action Network (FIAN), Food Sovereignty: Towards Democracy in Localized Food Systems 44 (2005).
 
69
This idea later materialized in the form of a Declaration on the Rights of Peasants, Women and Men, which was adopted by the International Coordination Committee of Vía Campesina in March 2009, as we will see below.
 
70
Vía Campesina, Jose Bove Meets Kofi Annan: Civil Society Raises Food Sovereignty Issue (June 13, 2004).
 
71
“La future convention de la Vía Campesina est effectivement un exemple d’utilisation du droit international en vue de l’amélioration des conditions de vie actuelle. C’est du moins le pari que l’on fait. A partir d’un droit fundamental reconnu universellement, en l’occurrence le droit à l’alimentation, limité aujourd’hui, on espère promouvoir le concept de souveraineté alimentaire. L’idée est de pouvoir produire et de pouvoir se protéger contre la logique économique, en mettant en avant le droit des paysans et l’autodetermination alimentaire. C’est toute une autre conception du développement qui est sous-jacente à cette question. Cela permettra de lier les intérêts collectifs des populations avec les intérêts des Etats. Nous militons pour que la souveraineté alimentaire (…) soit un droit reconnu mondialement. Il faut passer par l’ONU pour cela”. Translation by the author. José Bové, La Réalité Locale Dépend Aussi du Contexte Global: Interview de José Bové par le CETIM, inONU Droits Pour Tous ou Loi du Plus Fort? 366–68 (Centre Europe Tiers-Monde eds., 2005).
 
72
Nyeleni Food Sovereignty Forum, supra note 57.
 
73
International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty (IPC), Policies and Actions to Eradicate Hunger and Malnutrition 30 (Working Document, Nov. 2009).
 
74
This concept describes the opening of institutional spaces allowing for legal changes. Liora Israël, Faire Émerger le Droit des Étrangers en le Contestant, ou l’Histoire Paradoxale des Premières Années du GISTI, 16(62) Politix 115 (2003). It derives from Tarrow’s “political opportunity structures”. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (1998).
 
75
The interactions between strategies, framing and political opportunity structures are extremely complex and not yet fully explored in the social movements studies literature. See Benford & Snow, supra note 21.
 
76
Emphasis added by the author.
 
77
Nyeleni Food Sovereignty Forum, supra note 57.
 
78
Vía Campesina, Declaration of Maputo (Declaration of the 5th International Conference of Via Campesina, Maputo, Mozambique) (Oct. 19, 2008).
 
79
Peter Rosset et al., The Campesino-to-Campesino Agroecology Movement of ANAP in Cuba: Social Process Methodology in the Construction of Sustainable Peasant Agriculture and Food Sovereignty, 38 J. Peasant Stud. 161 (2011); Eric Holt-Gimenez, Linking Farmers’ Movements for Advocacy and Practice, 37 J. Peastant Stud. 203 (2010); Miguel Altieri, Fernando R. Funes-Monzote & Paulo Petersen, Agroecologically Efficient Agricultural Systems for Smallholder Farmers: Contributions to Food Sovereignty, 32 Agronomy for Sustainable Dev. (2012).
 
80
Vía Campesina support staff, reacting to the question of whether agroecology and industrial agriculture can coexist, at expert meeting on agroecology organized by the Special Rapporteur on the right to food in Brussels, Belg. (June 21, 2010).
 
81
Geoffrey Pleyers, La Consommation Critique: Mouvements Pour une Alimentation Responsable et Solidaire (2011).
 
82
“Comment se réapproprier nos territoires? Occuper l’espace? C’est de cela qu’il s’agit” (peasant addressing other members of the French Confédération paysanne during the organization’s General Assembly, Montreuil, Fr., May 4, 2010).
 
83
See Ulrich Beck, The Reinvention of Politics: Rethinking Modernity in the Global Social Order (1997), cited in Jean De Munck, Alterconsommation: La Reconfiguration d’une Critique, in Geoffrey Pleyers, La Consommation Critique: Mouvements Pour une Alimentation Responsable et Solidaire 304–305 (2011).
 
84
Alf Gunvald Nilsen & Laurence Cox, ‘At the Heart of Society Burns the Fire of Social Movements’: What Would a Marxist Theory of Social Movements Look Like?, inMarxism and Social Movements 2 (C. Barker, L. Cox, J. Krinsky & A. G. Nilsen eds., 2011).
 
85
Richard Falk, Resisting ‘Globalisation From Above’ Through ‘Globalisation From Below’, 2 New Pol. Econ. 17 (1997).
 
86
Appadurai uses the term “grassroots globalization” or “on behalf of the poor”. Arjun Appadurai, Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagination, 12 Pub. Culture 3 (2000).
 
87
Geoffrey Pleyers, Alter-Globalization: Becoming Actors in the Global Age (2010).
 
88
John Holloway, Crack Capitalism 17 (2010).
 
89
For an initiation to third world approaches to international law (TWAIL), which are a good illustration of this, see Balakrishnan Rajagopal, International Law from Below: Development, Social Movements, and Third World Resistance (2003).
 
90
Id. at xiii.
 
91
GRAIN, What’s Wrong With ‘Rights’?, Seedling (2007).
 
92
Boaventura de Sousa Santos & César A. Rodríguez-Garavito, Law and Globalization from Below: Towards a Cosmopolitan Legality 14, 39 (2005).
 
93
In postcolonialism and related fields, subaltern refers to persons socially, politically, and geographically outside of the hegemonic power structure.
 
94
GRAIN, supra note 91.
 
95
Id.
 
96
Id.
 
97
Id.
 
98
The social movements literature elaborates on three kinds of challenges confronting all those who engage in movement framing activities: frame contests or counter-framing by movement opponents, bystanders, and the media; frame disputes within movements; and the dialectics between frames and events. Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 625.
 
99
For the food sovereignty movement, the UN system, and the FAO in particular, appear to “constitute the only alternative to the WTO/Bretton Woods institutions as a multilateral locus for addressing the issues of food and agriculture according to a logic in which human rights and equity take precedence over the liberalization of markets”. Nora McKeon, The United Nations and Civil Society: Legitimating Global Governance-Whose Voice? 106 (2009). The movement has, consistently, limited its involvement with multilateral institutions at the exception of the FAO and other “farmer–friendly institutions”. Desmarais, supra note 64, at 22.
 
100
It has been well documented that changes in public policy—be them objective changes or changes in the interpretation of reality by movement activists—can induce framing changes. See Kevin Fox Gotham, Political Opportunity, Community Identity, and the Emergence of a Local Anti-Expressway Movement, 46 Soc. Probs. 342 (1999).
 
101
Interview with a member of the French Confédération Paysanne, Vía Campesina, Montreuil, Fr. (May 4, 2010). In this interview, this peasant also expresses his conviction that the dependence on public agricultural subsidies has had a negative impact on mobilizing.
 
102
“Les mobilisations sont inconstantes”. Interview with a Member of the Collectif Stratégies Alimentaires, Brussels, Belg. (May 13, 2009).
 
103
Interview with an Activist from the Mazingira Institute and HIC during the World Summit on Food Security, Rome, Italy (Nov. 14, 2009).
 
104
This division has been largely discussed by other authors. Bové and Dufour comment that two different sets of attitudes towards the WTO came to coexist within the movement: “the anti-WTO and those who believe that we need a new regulatory framework for international trade”. José Bové & François Dufour, Le Monde n’est pas une Marchandise: Entretiens avec Gilles Luneau 262 (2004). Desmarais has analyzed this divergence of opinions as a reformist vs radical debate. Desmarais, supra note 64, at 22. For Bonhommeau, the division reflects the fact that Vía Campesina member organizations are very different in their composition and, as a result, diverge in what they identify as their primary concerns, access to land or protection from the global market. Paul Bonhommeau, Questions et Réflexions sur l’Affirmation d’un Droit de la Souveraineté Alimentaire (internal Vía Campesina document) (Dec. 2008).
 
105
Interview with Vía Campesina Support Staff, during WSFS, Rome, Italy (Nov. 13, 2009).
 
106
“El acuerdo sobre la agricultura no es compatible con la soberanía alimentaria. Ningun acuerdo puede serlo”. Member of the COAG, Vía Campesina in Spain, at a seminar on market regulation organized by the Collectif Stratégies Alimentaires (CSA), Brussels, Belg. (May 5, 2009).
 
107
Member of SOC, Spain, addressing other participants at an ECVC seminar, Paris, Fr. (Jan. 2009).
 
108
McKeon, supra note 99, at 11.
 
109
“Je suis désarmée par rapport à tout ce droit qui existe et qui n’arrive pas à contraindre”. French peasant woman, Confédération paysanne, member of the International Coordination Committee of Vía Campesina, at the General Assembly of the Confédération paysanne, Montreuil, Fr. (May 5, 2010).
 
110
“Ne cantonnons pas la souveraineté alimentaire à des pratiques agricoles. On pourrait imaginer le système actuel en bio ou en mesures agro-environnementales”. French peasant member of the Confédération paysanne, addressing other members of the European Coordination of Via Campesina (ECVC), Paris, Fr. (Jan. 6, 2009).
 
111
“La localisation, c’est valorisant, ça explique par les faits, ça fait le lien avec le consommateur. Mais je ne crois pas à des îlots de souveraineté alimentaire dans un océan neoliberal”. French peasant woman member of the Confédération paysanne, addressing other members of the ECVC, Paris, Fr. (Jan. 6, 2009).
 
112
Member of SOC, agricultural workers’union, Spain, addressing other members of the ECVC, Paris, Fr. (Jan. 6, 2009).
 
113
“Il ne peut pas y avoir des débats mondialement connus et être absents. Il faut être là où les gens discutent sur nous et contre nous” (African farmer at seminar on market regulation organized by the CSA, Brussels, Belg., May 5, 2009, responding to another participant arguing that “we can’t dialogue with the WTO”).
 
114
Nora McKeon & Carol Kalafatic, U.N. Non-Governmental Liaison Service, Strengthening Dialogue: UN Experience with Small Farmer Organizations and Indigenous Peoples (2009).
 
115
Interview with Paul Nicholson, Member of the Basque Country’s EHNE, “Food Sovereignty and a New Way of Internal Democracy”, Matola, Mozambique. The interview was conducted (and later edited) by Nic Paget-Clarke on October 17, 2008 during the 5th International Conference of La Via Campesina and is published in In Motion Magazine (Feb. 23, 2009).
 
116
Bové, supra note 71.
 
117
Vía Campesina support staff, at expert seminar on agroecology organized by the Special Rapporteur on the right to food, Brussels, Belg. (June 21–22, 2010).
 
118
For an overview of these developments, see Tina D. Beuchelt & Detlef Virchow, Food Sovereignty or the Human Right to Adequate Food: Which Concept Serves Better as International Development Policy for Global Hunger and Poverty Reduction?, 29 Agric. & Hum. Values 259 (2012).
 
119
Sadie Beauregard, Food Policy for People: Incorporating Food Sovereignty Principles into State Governance. Case Studies of Venezuela, Mali, Ecuador, and Bolivia 64 (April 2009) (unpublished Senior Comprehensive, Urban and Environmental Policy Department, Occidental College, Los Angeles).
 
120
Interview with Vía Campesina Support Staff, Brussels, Belg. (June 2, 2009).
 
121
Benford & Snow, supra note 21, at 627.
 
122
Vía Campesina, In the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, We Peasants Demand our own Convention: Final Declaration of International Conference on Peasants’ Rights (June 25, 2008).
 
123
“Mais les droits des paysans c’est pas une question de politique agricole”. Interview with European Coordination of Vía Campesina (ECVC) Staff, Vía Campesina, Brussels, Belg. (June 2, 2009).
 
124
Indeed, it is unlikely that the movement could simultaneously push for the translation, in international law, of both the right to food sovereignty and peasants’ rights. At some level, the two initiatives would inevitably compete for human and financial resources, symbolic capital, and for access to “legal opportunity structures”.
 
125
Interview with ECVC Staff, Vía Campesina, Brussels, Belg. (June 2, 2009).
 
126
Interview with a Vía Campesina Leader, Jakarta, Indon. (Mar. 2010).
 
127
International Food Security & Nutrition Civil Society Mechanism, http://​www.​csm4cfs.​org/​.
 
128
The human right to food has been accepted as a reference frame in a number of CFS documents, such as the Voluntary Guidelines on the governance of land, fisheries and forests, and the Global Strategic Framework, while references to food sovereignty are still highly contested.
 
129
So far, the trade issue has been addressed only indirectly at the CFS: discussions relating to the impacts of the current trading system and the need for alternative trade rules during the 38th session of the CFS (2011) were limited to the round table on food prices volatility.
 
130
Stammers, supra note 61, 106.
 
131
Rajeev Patel, International Agrarian Restructuring and the Practical Ethics of Peasant Movement Solidarity, 41 J. Asian & Afri Stud. 87 (2006).
 
132
Valocchi, supra note 23, at 122.
 
133
Discussion with Different Members of SPI, Vía Campesina, Jakarta, Indon. (Mar. 18, 2010).
 
134
Good examples of movements, which refused confrontation and sought to develop alternatives are the cooperative and mutualist movements. Erik Neveu, Sociologie des Mouvements Sociaux 10–11 (1996).
 
135
Philip Alston, Conjuring up New Human Rights: A Proposal for Quality Control, 78 Am. J. Inter’l L. 614 (1984).
 
Metadaten
Titel
Vía Campesina’s Struggle for the Right to Food Sovereignty: From Above or from Below?
verfasst von
Priscilla Claeys
Copyright-Jahr
2014
Verlag
Springer Netherlands
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7778-1_2