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2019 | OriginalPaper | Buchkapitel

10. Withering Family Farms

verfasst von : Seema Purushothaman, Sheetal Patil

Erschienen in: Agrarian Change and Urbanization in Southern India

Verlag: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

Small and marginal farmers seem to be trapped in a precarious persistence between the city slums and empty villages. The study began by placing the precariousness of a smallholder family farm at the centre and considering various schools of thoughts on peasants, family farms and agriculturists, before using these terms interchangeably. This study steers away both from a rural productivity approach looking at the efficiency and scalability of smallholdings, as much as from an ethnographic narration of distress. It argues the need to find ways to sustain smallholders in an era of urbanisation. In that process, it illuminates why a socio-economic constituency with widespread presence and multiple nomenclature is invisible to the society. The motivation behind carrying out the study was the felt need to reverse an apparent invisibilisation of the smallholder constituency. In this effort, the study brings together the history of governance and agro-ecology, and the political-economic and socio-institutional angles associated with livelihood and distributional perspectives, using empirical observations from Karnataka State. Why, where and how of the study are detailed in the first five chapters of the book, before presenting the site-specific features of the urban–agrarian dynamics in Chaps. 69. This final chapter synthesises and highlights the essence of all previous chapters, though not in any sequential order of study sites.

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Fußnoten
1
Though used interchangeably, in literal sense, ‘farmers’ imply more commerce; ‘family farms’ and ‘agriculturists’ have a cultural connotation, while ‘peasant’ sounds a little closer to being a ‘proletarian class’.
 
2
Hyderabad Karnataka (of which Gulbarga was a part) had three major famines in eighteenth century and 11 in the nineteenth century (Khan 1909, pp. 48). Last famine in Gulbarga (Yadgir was part of Gulbarga district till 2009) was as recent as 1980, after similar occurrences in 1972 (Gulbarga District Gazetteer 1995), 1960, and 1943 (Hyderabad District Gazetteer by Satyan 1966). Last major famine in Mysore Karnataka occurred in 1976 after five sporadic famines in the nineteenth century (Imperial Gazetteer of Mysore and Coorg 1908, pp. 74).
 
3
Gini coefficient for landownership in study villages was 0.44 in Yadgir, 0.40 in Ramanagara, 0.35 in Bengaluru and 0.32 in Mandya. For household income, it was 0.48 in Bengaluru, 0.46 in Ramanagara, 0.45 in Yadgir and 0.41 in Mandya.
 
4
While land reforms in the State during 1961 (Mysore Land Reforms Act) made no difference (large owners got sufficient time to prepare for reforms through tenant evictions), marginal impact was felt during the second attempt between 1974 and 1984 with comprehensive amendments to the act (Karnataka Land Reforms Act) when some claims were settled (Aziz and Krishna 1997). Land ceiling declarations received by the government (in 1961) under the land reform laws as well as tenancy applications were quite high in Gulbarga (of which Yadgir was a part till 2009). Yet, guaranteed occupancy rights as proportion of applications was only 18% (compared to 55.7% in Mandya) making the overall distributional impact in Gulbarga, feeble (Rajan 1997, pp. 83–84).
 
5
Average size of each landholding declined among all social categories between 1990 and 2015 in the State. In the case of SC and ST holders, the decline was 29 and 37%, respectively, while for others it was 36%.
 
6
Dorin’s analysis shows the need for a minimum of 5 acres irrigated land for a family, if Lewis trap of poverty has to be avoided. His comparative assessment was based on income convergence between farm and non-farm workers as well as the relationship between growth of labour productivity and of the agricultural sector.
 
7
Section 10.5 of the Karnataka Land Reforms Act 1961 prohibits leasing of land except by soldiers and seamen. State is trying to bring in Model Agricultural Land Leasing Act (2016) to legalise leasing so as to promote efficiency, equity and poverty reduction; along with security of ownership right for landowners and security of tenure for tenants.
 
8
(Mostly in areas close to Bengaluru, Tumkur, Kolar and Hassan for crops such as potatoes, gherkin, baby corn, herbs, fruits and vegetables (Erappa 2006)).
 
9
District-level Agricultural Census (2011) data on proportion of NSA under current fallows.
 
10
More details about the forum are at http://​makaam.​in/​about/​.
 
11
Saldhana (2013) and Gowda (2016).
 
12
Hoffman et al. (2017) examine the case of ‘empty layouts’ awaiting construction activities, along with other changes in the rural-urban interface of Bengaluru.
 
13
Highest decline in pastures to the tune of 74% happened in Devanahalli taluk (acquisition for airport and allied purposes), followed by Anekal (68%) and Kanakapura (42%), between 1998 and 2015.
 
14
In 2014, the study taluks of Yadgir had 2345 open wells irrigating 1379 ha, while Mandya had 4000 open wells that irrigated 1508 ha. During the same period, there were only 76 tanks in Yadgir and 184 in Mandya, though on an average, command area of tanks in Yadgir was larger in size (District at a Glance 2014).
 
15
Even after spending about ₹560 crores, objectives of Cauvery Neeravari Nigam of filling up 81 tanks, providing drinking water to 310 villages and irrigating 3200 acres of water deficit command area; and efforts to restore and rejuvenate Arkavathy, remain unaddressed (Upadhyaya 2019) https://​sandrp.​in/​2019/​01/​28/​will-cag-reports-of-irrigation-sector-in-2018-help-improve-performance/​.
 
16
In 1974, the share of canal irrigation in net irrigated area was 2.2% in Gulbarga (when Yadgir was part of Gulbarga) whereas in Mandya it was already 32%. By 2014, irrigation by canals was 70% and by open wells it was 14% of net irrigated area in Yadgir district. In Mandya, it was 72% by canal and 12% each by tube wells and tanks during the same year.
 
17
Village revenue records (2014) shows that the mean size of holdings owned by OBCs and others was 8.4 acres, while SCs and STs had a mean holding size of 5.1 acres.
 
18
Mean annual non-farm income in 2015 of sample households in Mandya was ₹1.12 lakhs, while in Yadgir it was ₹61,000.
 
19
For details of precision farming, see Ladha et al. (2000).
 
20
First regulated market in Karnataka came up in Belgaum district, under the Royal Commission on Agriculture in Bombay presidency, followed by a market in Tiptur in 1948 followed by many other districts. In 1966, legislature of the unified Karnataka State enacted the Karnataka Agricultural Produce Marketing (Regulation and Development) Act, which was enforced it in 1968.
 
21
Source: Presentation by Dr T N Prakash Kammardi, Chairman of Karnataka Agricultural Prices Commission in the workshop on Urbanisation and Family Farms in Karnataka organised by Azim Premji University on 26th June 2018 in Bengaluru.
 
22
Maharashtra amended APMC Act in August 2018 making it illegal for private traders to purchase any agricultural produce below MSP. The amendment later had to be withdrawn in Oct 2018, under pressure from traders (https://​indianexpress.​com/​article/​cities/​pune/​msp-agrarian-crisis-farmers-amendment-to-apmc-act-as-traders-continue-to-protest-govt-says-no-resolution-issued-so-far-5336731/​).
 
23
Scientific price is the sum of many components with different weightages. The components include production cost (input, daily wages, bullock/machinery and family labour), rental value of the land, managerial cost, risk premium and interest on working capital. Scientific price is usually above the MSP announced by the Central Agricultural Costs and Prices commission and often, when there is a market boom, involves bonus payment for specific produces over and above the scientific price declared (Perspective Report, Karnataka Agricultural Price Commission, 2017).
 
24
Shivaganga in Nelmangala and Honneru in Bengaluru are examples of such collectives.
 
25
Like Sahaja Samrudha and Buffalo Back in the outskirts of Bengaluru.
 
26
Financial surplus is the annual amount available to farm families after deducting the sum of total expenses and loan repayment from their total income.
 
27
During 2015, mean annual net income per family was ₹57,000 (excluding the loan repayment), while loans repaid came to ₹1.28 lakhs.
 
28
Net agricultural income per family ranged from ₹70,000 in Yadgir to ₹190,000 in Bengaluru in 2015. Net farm income per acre of farmland was ₹20,000 in Yadgir and ₹102,000 in peri-urban Bengaluru. This calculation excludes repayment of loans as it was difficult to segregate loans availed and used exclusively for agricultural purposes.
 
29
Mean value of livestock produce consumed by family was about ₹3200 in irrigated taluks, while it was about ₹11,000 in rain-fed taluks. Mean annual livestock income per family was ₹32,000 in irrigated taluks and ₹131,000 in rain-fed taluks.
 
30
Each working member of the family in irrigated taluks found farm labour work for 87 days in a year, whereas in rainfed taluks it was available for 40 days only.
 
31
Sampat (2016) relates to this rentier economy phenomenon. In the case of Dholera Special Investment Region in Gujarat, she finds the rentier economy brought together by combination of speculative markets, real estate and other urban infrastructure investments at global and domestic scales, private consultants and developers and landowners willing and able to benefit from rentiering.
 
32
Prominent political outfits of farmers, like the Karnataka Rajya Raita Sangha (KRRS) and other voluntary organizations like Raita Teerpu, Hasiru Sene, Krushi Koolikarara Sangha have notable presence in Mandya.
 
33
Primary sector contribution in GDDP  in 2014 was high in Mandya (₹32 billion—17% of GDDP) compared to peri-urban parts of Bengaluru (₹16 billion—6.3% of GDDP) 14, Yadgir (₹14 billion—20% of GDDP) and Ramanagara (₹18 billion—15% of GDDP) as well as State average (₹825 billion—12% of GDP).
 
34
Trips to Bengaluru could be door to door transport service provided by a local vehicle owner, unless the village is easily connected to the State capital by public transport.
 
35
This is in contrast to the cultural globalisation happening among the elite Indian families travelling worldwide for studies, work and leisure.
 
36
Karnataka enacted The Building and Other Construction Workers (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) act in 1996.
 
37
Recognising this potential of local governance, Azim Premji University offers a short-term training program on the links between agro-ecology and rural livelihoods for panchayat members and functionaries in the interior districts of Karnataka. (https://​azimpremjiuniver​sity.​edu.​in/​SitePages/​University-resource-centre-events-agrarian-ecology-and-livelihoods.​aspx).
 
38
Indicators simpler and realistic than those mentioned in literature like the Livelihood Farm Unit (Harriss 1987) and Labour Exploitation Index (Patnaik 1987).
 
39
We here acknowledge the inspiring presence of active farmer organizations and supply chains working through Sahaja Samrudha, Honneru collective, Mandya organic co-operative society, Jaivik Krishi Society, Akshaya Kalpa, Safe Harvest, Navadarshanam, Buffalo Back, Shivganga organics and similar others around Bengaluru.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Withering Family Farms
verfasst von
Seema Purushothaman
Sheetal Patil
Copyright-Jahr
2019
Verlag
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8336-5_10