Women Leadership, Decentralised Governance and Development

The objective of this introductory chapter is to present the context of women leadership in decentralised governance, discuss theoretical aspects, review the existing literature and situate the papers in the volume in a larger policy context. The chapter provides key conclusions of the volume in terms of new evidence, methodological points, policy suggestions and areas of future research.

This study comprehensively examines the recent empirical research on gender quotas. First, it examines the body of research on the impact of women’s political presence on the formulation of public policies. Although numerous studies have highlighted the ability of female politicians to implement policies that resonate with women’s preferences, it is noteworthy that exceptions do exist. Second, it examines the emerging and expanding literature that demonstrates the far-reaching effects of women’s political engagement. These effects encompass not only policy outcomes but also extend to domains such as corruption, economic activities, political participation and social norms regarding women. Furthermore, this study addresses pertinent concerns surrounding the representation of politicians, including potential hindrances to meritocratic principles, the potential fostering of elite-centric politics and the utilisation of proxy candidates. Amidst these discussions, the efficacy of gender quotas is uncovered, exhibiting a spectrum of affirmative outcomes. These range from enabling policy alignment with women's preferences to fostering a broader enhancement of women's empowerment. However, it remains crucial to acknowledge the contextual dependence and variability of these effects—based on the specific political stratum under scrutiny, as well as the prevailing degree of gender inequality embedded within the socio-political fabric of the nation.

Women in politics and leadership positions have captured our imagination in recent years, but continued underrepresentation of women in politics is the rule. Kerala is well known for its decentralised model of governance. The human development achievements and gender parity rules out proxies—someone else taking decisions for those elected women. But question of have they risen to leadership positions has not attracted much attention. This paper analyses the issue using the data of three local government elections—2010, 2015 and 2020. Rise of women to the top of the political spectrum as leaders is incumbent on the number, pathways and political clout (Jalalzai, F. (2014). With 50% reservation of seats for women, their numbers are large. Political pathway is analysed by taking the proportion of women members getting re-elected, contrasted with the political parties retaining proportion of seats in Local Governments. Women’s representation in political party committees is then taken up followed by a discussion of representation in the Legislative Assembly and the pathways to it. The paper concludes that the patriarchal mores in the society and within the political parties of all hues are responsible for the lack of political advancement of women to leadership positions in Kerala. If Kerala with high gender parity in education and work participation rates shows such low advancement of women, then why talk of other states and India as a whole?

This chapter explores two significant institutional developments in rural India—Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and self-help groups (SHGs)—both of which have significantly impacted women. We are particularly interested in the convergence and overlap of PRIs and SHGs, and the possibilities it presents for deepening participation of women in economic and political life as well as for development at the local level more broadly. The chapter explores these questions through a review of the broader literature and some preliminary studies and concludes that there is a case for cautious optimism despite regional variability, and long-standing challenges to effective outcomes, including a continued reliance on women’s unremunerated labour and the invisibilisation of their work.

Affirmative action under the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has provided rural women with reserved political spaces in various tiers of Panchayat Raj Institutions, thus catalysing their participation in local democracy not just as vote banks but also as elected representatives. Several studies have unpacked the constraints and enabling factors that impact the effectiveness of women’s political participation. However, over the years, rural women have started using various pathways to build political constituencies to gain access to these reserved spaces. One such avenue is the Self-Help Group movement that provides exclusive space for rural women’s social and economic empowerment which in turn has begun to manifest as political empowerment. Further, “Convergence”, one of the salient features of the State Rural Livelihood Mission, has provided rural SHG women with a new pathway to political participation. Based on a qualitative study of Trichy and Thiruvannamalai districts in Tamil Nadu, we show that while the SHG women helped in the state-wide implementation of the schemes, their involvement also led to their political empowerment. However, despite utilising these opportunities rural women continue to face everyday conflicts due to the entrenched caste and patriarchal structures that hamper their effectiveness as political leaders.

This paper examines how elected women representatives of local government in India influence the involvement of local government in natural resource management (NRM). A profound relationship between women and nature is demonstrated by women-led movements protecting the environment, across time and spaces. The institutional guidelines for decentralised natural resource management in India acknowledge this deep connection mandating the inclusion of women in community-based and co-management initiatives for NRM. Moreover, seats are reserved for women in local government. As a part of broader devolution process, resource management functions are devolved to local government and inclusion of women in these institutions holds promise for resource sustainability. However, there is not enough literature on how elected women representatives of local government, influence the involvement of local government in NRM. We therefore address the above question by investigating the case of three Gram Panchayats of Madhya Pradesh, India. Based on qualitative evidence, we find that women representatives do not influence local decision-making on NRM. However, we do not question that resource management outcomes could be improved by inclusion of women. Rather, we suggest that socio-cultural context mediates and limits the possibilities for women to substantially participate in local decision-making and thus, to bring in any changes regarding the involvement of local government in NRM.

Women are constantly denied their rights and their capabilities are questioned in different socio-political spheres. Although society puts hindrances in the form of patriarchy and norms, women leaders come forward to take part in the public sphere. Their leadership is however found to have different forms ranging from proxy workers to independent leaders, especially in urban areas, where social constraints are thought to be relatively flexible. Against this background, this chapter evaluates the performances of elected women representatives in peri-urban Kolkata. Following Moser’s gender-sensitive analysis method, the chapter discusses the performance of elected women representatives (EWRs) in the fulfilment of practical and strategic needs of women and factors that influence their performance. This chapter finds that EWRs are working to serve society as well as fulfil of gender-sensitive needs depending on their leadership quality, which varies on the basis of whether they are from the background of social workers, political leaders or party representatives. The main factors influencing their performance are their will, attitude to their duties at home and outside and their political upbringing. Therefore, to make the strategic plan effective, the mode of training must be altered to introduce innovative methods for building leadership capacity and sense of responsibility among the local leaders.

This article explores how gender socialisation as women and other intersecting identities influence the perspectives of Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) on power relations in the political space of Kerala. We probe EWRs’ perspectives about power relations in the domain of governance with reference to the structures and practices of political parties and local governance. Amidst structural barriers against women’s active participation in governance, EWR’s perspectives and experiences show whether and how EWRs can create space for substantive representation. The perspectives are elicited through detailed interviews with EWRs in four Panchayats in Kerala during two periods. The study finds that EWRs’ involvement in local politics and decision-making relies on overcoming representation and acceptance barriers. It is clear from the research findings that EWRs remain strongly tied to the patriarchal system of the societies they live in and serve to progress. The strong linkage to patriarchal norms exists due to EWRs’ position within their social structures—noting how EWRs in their responses brought general strategic questions about the position and choices of females back to a frame of reference comprising their own families and social structures, which are in turn set within caste, religious and political frames.

Women have been incorporated into the decision-making process and development of local self-governance through the 73rd Constitution Amendment Act of 1992. In India, at least one-third of Panchayat members and chairpersons are women under this amendment. However, India lacks any guidelines on the participation of the transgender community in politics. Studies have proved that women face multiple barriers in their political journey due to entrenched patriarchy; trans-persons are more invisibilised and discriminated against. Political power enables voices and representation, but there is a lack of trans-voices in decision-making. Political participation of people from the transgender community is on the rise in many countries around the world. That India is no exception, with a growing number of trans-persons getting elected at the local and national levels—is a reflection of the increasing maturity of our republic and its democratic institutions. While civilised and democratic societies value equal political participation, trans-persons, especially trans-women politicians, often face unique challenges that their cisgender colleagues do not. This exploratory study, following feminist methodology, is primarily based on a qualitative analysis of case studies and in-depth interviews with transwomen politicians, who have successfully or otherwise ventured into politics.

This study examines political participation of women leaders in Goa. The importance of this chapter arises in the context of inequality among genders for centuries, leading to discrimination and subordination. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts were an important step towards setting up a decentralised political system in which gender quotas were introduced to provide representation and decision-making powers to women in the decentralised governance. Yet, women leaders today lack the space that is required in decentralised governance. This study therefore examines the political background of women leaders in Panchayats in Goa, giving importance to decision-making authority and factors that influenced their entry into politics. It also discusses the issue of women as proxy leaders in the background of Goa’s unique colonial history. Further, it elaborates the connection between gender development index and women leadership in panchayats.

Thirty years after the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments came into effect, the position of elected women representatives (EWRs) in public affairs has been consolidated and further strengthened through enhanced quotas for representation in several states. Nevertheless, EWRs continue to face challenges in terms of fixed tenures, interference in their working by political parties and patriarchal forces and overall capacity constraints that limit the functioning of local bodies in general. While there are some variations in the legislative provisions for women’s representation in the Panchayats, cultural factors also play a role in the differing experiences of EWRs in different states. An attempt to bring together EWRs on a common platform to find solutions to the specific problems faced by them was made through a national programme, the Panchayat Mahila Shakti Abhiyan (PMSA). This paper examines some of the issues highlighted by EWRs during PMSA conferences held in different states during the period 2007–2012. It finds that, while EWRs advocated reforms to address certain specific gender-related challenges, they also linked their own efficacy to sustained empowerment of local bodies in terms of administrative and fiscal decentralisation. By giving a collective voice to the EWRs, the PMSA charters were able to focus attention on the overall functioning of the Panchayat system. The PMSA conferences forged a gender solidarity that transcended divisions of caste, class, religion and region. Though short-lived, the PMSA was a notable experiment in networking among EWRs for bringing about desired changes in the direction of a more supportive environment for EWRs and, in fact, all Panchayat members.

While the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments contributed to the increase in women elected representatives in the Indian political ecosystem, the efficacy of this phenomenon has been questioned multiple times. The evidence points out that electoral participation is merely a symbolic gesture, which ultimately undercuts women’s empowerment by co-opting them into a patently corrupt, male-dominated political system. It is widely acknowledged that the political journey is not smooth for elected women representatives (EWR) in a patriarchal society, which is further divided on caste lines. Due to the existing structural challenges and insufficient support system, EWRs take a longer time to understand their responsibilities and perform their duties effectively. Training and awareness-building programmes of the state government and NGOs have had limited success in solving these challenges. Therefore, this research project was taken up by faculty and students of Azim Premji University to understand the challenges faced by EWRs, and thereby, design training modules, which will help them resolve these challenges. Data collection was done in seven panchayats around Azim Premji University. EWRs along with other respondents have given us substantial insights based on which an attempt to create a typology of challenges by EWRs is made.