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Erschienen in: Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 3-4/2014

01.12.2014 | Aufsätze

Dominant parties and the private sector in Sub-Saharan Africa: a typology of approaches

verfasst von: Toni Weis, M.A., M.Sc.

Erschienen in: Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft | Ausgabe 3-4/2014

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Abstract

The liberalisation of African economies under structural adjustment has altered the economic conditions for political predominance in the continent’s party systems. Dominant parties have often been able to compensate for the loss of state patronage by forging ties with the private sector, through networks with domestic capitalists or through business ventures directly owned by the party. However, the ways in which they have done so vary widely. This article argues that the approach chosen by a particular party—whether in the form of a pact with the economic elite, the provision of a platform for private-sector interests, an informalisation of political and economic networks around senior leaders, or the outright domination of the business sector—depends primarily on the relative strength of the private economy, and on the party’s own degree of institutionalisation. The typology of dominant-party strategies toward the private sector is illustrated by the different approaches chosen by the ANC in South Africa, the EPRDF in Ethiopia, the CDP in Burkina Faso, and KANU in Kenya.

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Fußnoten
1
For a more detailed discussion of Kalahari Holdings, see Southall (2013, pp. 285–290).
 
2
Also known under its English acronym, CPDM.
 
3
See Butler (2010) for Southern Africa, Helle (2011) for Uganda and Obiorah (2004) for Nigeria, for example.
 
4
Debswana is a joint venture between the government of Botswana and de Beers, with each holding 50 % of capital; Sonangol is Africa’s biggest oil company and wholly owned by the Angolan government.
 
5
Using Freedom House (2013) indicators, only the ANC, SWAPO and the BDP have built a ‘free’ political environment, while the CCM, CDP, FRELIMO, NRM and RPT/UNIR operate in countries rated as ‘partly free’. All other parties—CPDM, EPRDF, MPLA, PDG, PDGE, RPF, RPP and ZANU-PF—work within an environment described as ‘not free’.
 
6
Kenya was an authoritarian one-party, rather than a dominant-party, system during most of KANU’s time in power. Nevertheless, KANU is represented here for two reasons: first, it did exhibit many of the characteristics of present-day dominant parties between 1992 and 2002, if only for a single decade, rather than the two decades stipulated above; and second, there are currently no dominant parties with a weak level of party institutionalisation in the face of a strong private sector. As section 4 argues, this is likely to be indicative of the more volatile nature of the ‘coalition-building’ approach compared to the other three.
 
7
Since the 1970s Ethiopia has gradually built a system of local governance institutions encompassing the entire population, with elected representatives at every level from federal and regional governments to neighbourhood committees.
 
8
While KANU does not meet the criteria for party dominance set out above, it is nevertheless illustrative as a case of a former state party that survived the introduction of multiparty elections, before losing to the opposition in a later election.
 
9
None of the other parties discussed here—ANC, EPRDF and KANU—are part of the Basedau and Stroh’s sample.
 
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Metadaten
Titel
Dominant parties and the private sector in Sub-Saharan Africa: a typology of approaches
verfasst von
Toni Weis, M.A., M.Sc.
Publikationsdatum
01.12.2014
Verlag
Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden
Erschienen in
Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft / Ausgabe 3-4/2014
Print ISSN: 1865-2646
Elektronische ISSN: 1865-2654
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12286-014-0217-6

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