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Heterosexual Men’s Confrontation of Sexual Prejudice: The Role of Precarious Manhood

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Abstract

Prejudice and discrimination are unfortunate common realities for sexual minorities yet people rarely confront such behavior (Dickter 2012). This is especially problematic because confronting prejudice is one of the most effective weapons against it (e.g., Czopp and Monteith 2003). The present study explores whether men who perceive manhood to be an impermanent state easily taken away by engaging in gender role violations (i.e., precarious manhood; Vandello et al. 2008) are less likely to react negatively to sexually prejudiced interaction partners and therefore less likely to confront sexual prejudice. In addition, we tested whether non-confrontation serves to affirm meta-perceptions of heterosexuality. To test this hypothesis, 88 heterosexual, young adult males, drawn from the undergraduate population of a university in the northeastern U.S., were randomly assigned to either pair with a confederate who expressed blatant sexual prejudice or no blatant prejudice toward a gay applicant in a hiring discussion. Consistent with predictions, precarious manhood predicted lower rates of confronting sexual prejudice, and less negative responses to their interaction partner, while confronting prejudice was associated with believing one would be viewed as gay regardless of individual differences in precarious manhood.

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Acknowledgments

Kathryn M. Kroeper, Psychology Department, Rutgers University; Diana T. Sanchez, Psychology Department, Rutgers University; Mary S. Himmelstein, Psychology Department, Rutgers University. This work was supported in part by an Aresty Research grant from Rutgers University awarded to the first author.

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Correspondence to Diana T. Sanchez.

Appendix A

Appendix A

Coding levels of confrontation:

To what extent did the participant disagree with or otherwise confront the confederate’s remarks.

  1. 1

    Not at All: The participant did not state anything that would lead one to believe he disagreed with the target remark

  2. 2

    The participant mentioned once that he mildly disagreed with the remark, but did not pursue the confrontation (e.g. “I don’t know about that.” “Eh, I’m not sure.”).

  3. 3

    The participant made 2–4 comments disagreeing with the remark, or 2–4 mild comments. Less explicit regarding sexuality (e.g. “It’s irrelevant.” “I disagree.” “He’s qualified.”)

  4. 4

    The participant made many (>4) comments disagreeing with the remark, made many mild comments, and/or one strong comment disagreeing with the remark (e.g. “That sounds like prejudice.” “Who cares if he’s gay?” or “We shouldn’t discount him just because he’s gay.” “Who cares if he hasn’t been a manager before.” “We shouldn’t discount him just because he lacks a little experience.”). These comments are less committal than what is needed for a “5.”

  5. 5

    A Great Deal: The participant made multiple strong comments disagreeing with the remark (e.g. “It is wrong not to hire him because of his sexuality.” “To say he is not qualified for a job that he is prepared for just because he’s gay is discrimination.” or “I won’t stand for someone being discounted based solely on his sexuality.” “To say he is not qualified for a job that he is prepared for is not true.” “I won’t stand for someone being discounted on a small technicality.”) More committal comments.

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Kroeper, K.M., Sanchez, D.T. & Himmelstein, M.S. Heterosexual Men’s Confrontation of Sexual Prejudice: The Role of Precarious Manhood. Sex Roles 70, 1–13 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-013-0306-z

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