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2018 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

2. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Domestic Architecture in Australia

Author : Timothy O’Rourke

Published in: The Handbook of Contemporary Indigenous Architecture

Publisher: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

This chapter examines Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander domestic architecture across the period from the onset of European colonisation to the early twenty-first century. In these two centuries, housing and living conditions reflected and shaped the often abrupt and disruptive change to the culture, health and livelihoods of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The post-contact history of Indigenous housing has been determined by government policies, informed by politics and settler attitudes to Indigenous Australians. Until the 1970s, state and territory governments, with specific legislation, exercised control over Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander lives including place of residence and access to housing. For an extended period of this history, housing choice was oppressively limited. Despite entrenched disadvantage, it is a story of cultural persistence and adaptation to an imposed architecture that expected sedentary living patterns rather than the more mobile Indigenous lifestyles. Towards the end of the twentieth century, a combination of research and architectural practice had identified approaches to Indigenous housing that could improve living conditions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

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Footnotes
1
In 1992, the Mabo Case heard in the High Court of Australia overturned the British assumption that, prior to 1788, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples had no concept of land ownership and the entire country was terra nullius.
 
2
Until the latter part of the twentieth century, architectural historians were largely indifferent to vernacular building traditions focusing on the Western canon and its antecedents (e.g., see Leach 2010).
 
3
Memmott classifies this as ‘acculturated ethno-architecture’.
 
4
Ecosystem types influenced population densities and the reasons for mobility and range (see Keen 2004).
 
5
Urban toponyms record the lines of segregation, such as Boundary Street in Brisbane, which curtailed Aboriginal movement into the city in the nineteenth century.
 
6
The first legislation enacted was in South Australia, where a Chief Protector was appointed in 1860. Similar legislation was passed in Victoria (1869), Queensland (1897), Western Australia (1905) and New South Wales (1909).
 
7
Larger pastoral properties are called stations, but so too were Aboriginal reserves in Victoria and New South Wales.
 
8
Some missions were established as commercial ventures based on Aboriginal labour (Ganter 2016).
 
9
In New South Wales, Aboriginal groups, with limited colonial support, argued for productive land as the gathered settlers claimed increasingly more of their arable estates (Goodall 1996: 76–78).
 
10
Cherbourg was established as Barambah by the Salvation Army in 1899.
 
11
In Victoria and NSW, missions and managed reserves often had their own fringe camps (Read 2000: 57).
 
12
The pastoralists often settled on Aboriginal campsites that were sources of food and water.
 
13
The Kingstrands, and the transitional housing concept, were not successful (see Heppell 1979a; Ross 1987).
 
14
Aboriginal hostels were an important housing type for the typically mobile urban Indigenous populations.
 
15
Just over 90% of all Australians voted yes in favour of amending the Constitution, a symbolic indication that racism had subsided in the late 1960s.
 
16
See, for example, papers by architects Hamilton (1972) and Saini (1972) in the Royal Australian Institute of Architects’ Seminar on Low-Cost Self-Help Housing for Aborigines in Remote Areas.
 
17
From the 1980s, the Commonwealth and states continued to fund or deliver Aboriginal housing under varied initiatives and programmes (Sanders 1993), which affected the level of architectural participation and extent of consultation.
 
18
ICHOs managed almost three times the houses in remote communities (about 60 on average) than in the city (Eringa et al. 2009: 1). The larger urban Indigenous populations were distributed across state social housing, private rental markets or owned their own home.
 
19
Andrew Lane worked as a project manager for ARUP on multiple NAHS projects, and described one of these projects in Dajarra, designed by architect Stephen de Jersey (Lane 2008).
 
20
Recent research has challenged definitions of crowding and noted that cultural and social preferences affect household numbers as well as dwelling shortfalls (Greenop and Memmott 2016).
 
21
Not to be confused with the transitional housing in the 1950s and 1960s.
 
22
AHURI-funded research projects produced informative reports on Indigenous urban housing: see, for example, Memmott et al. (2012) and Moran et al. (2016).
 
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Metadata
Title
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Domestic Architecture in Australia
Author
Timothy O’Rourke
Copyright Year
2018
Publisher
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6904-8_2