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2020 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. Back to Nukes? Global Governance’s Transitional Moment

Author : Renato G. Flôres Jr

Published in: Global Governance in Transformation

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

This chapter speaks of a transitional moment triggered by, among others, three forces: the slow decline of the global hegemon and the concentrating aspects of modern capitalism and science; simultaneously alienating segments of society, via income inequality; and groups of countries, by the asymmetric distribution of information processing capabilities. I venture that the transition will involve a more chaotic, dangerous period of poorer governance, in which the key feature will be a proliferation of states, either claiming a greater voice in world affairs or defying hegemonic intentions. The way to back such behaviour, and protect a disputed or menaced sovereignty, is to arm oneself with nuclear weapons. This would maintain and increase a state of flux in global governance (GG), beyond dominating and conditioning other transformations and processes—most importantly that of capitalism itself or its oft-predicted demise. If the hard times ahead do not lead to the end of the world, new forms of governance might eventually emerge. The transition would then have been concluded, and a new cycle could begin.

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Footnotes
1
I have deliberately omitted the qualification of ‘universal’ for such values, especially democracy, as the term has been overused, sometimes for purposes not necessarily justifiable.
 
2
This much-cited statement in academic circles has gained new notoriety, thanks to its frequent use by former Greek Financial Minister, Yanis Varoufakis (2016).
 
3
The benign role of the hegemon has been emphasised by quite a few authors; including Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci, as popularised by Cox (1983).
 
4
I follow John Mearsheimer (2001) in considering 2008 a turning point in this pacifier period: the year when, among other things, there was a fierce debate at the NATO Summit in Bucharest over President George Bush’s proposal to accept Georgia and Ukraine as prospective members of the Organisation (and therefore qualified to engage in the normal accreditation process). Although the proposal failed, this fact—yet another position contrary to the agreement settled in trust with Russia during the negotiations for German reunification on October 3, 1990—alarmed the Russians considerably. In fact, the hasty and large-scale expansion of the EU in 2004—also under pressure from President Bush—was already another sign of the coming times, and it ended up destroying Russia’s confidence in the EU and changing its behaviour towards the Union.
 
5
See, among others, and among many of his own works, Mahbubani (2008).
 
6
Compounded, in each specific case, with the interests and perceptions of other third parties.
 
7
French philosopher Michel Foucault made an extensive study of the relationship between power and knowledge, producing original insights on their generation and distribution within a given society, and how different agents, beyond the hegemon (in our words), can gain degrees of power. Though his analyses are more sociological and anthropological, some can be fruitfully applied in the international relations setting. Foucault (1997) produced a collection of his works (in English) that shows they are not too far from the concerns examined in this section.
 
8
This point is a major departure from realism, which broadly asserts that nations other than the Great Powers do not count. As evident by the previous footnote, I do not fully endorse this simplified view.
 
9
Polanyi’s ideas unavoidably bear the imprint of his own turbulent existence in Budapest, Vienna, London, the USA and Canada, during (mostly) the first half of the past century. However, his ideas—besides having given birth to the area of economic anthropology—still deserve attention. Polanyi (1944) and Polanyi et al. (1957) are his major works, the former being an undisputed classic.
 
10
For an enlightened and rather comprehensive view on this phenomenon, see Trentmann (2016). Ferguson (2011) agrees with such crucial role of consumption, in a work that strongly supports the points up to now in this subsection.
 
11
I borrow this subtle expression from Paul Kennedy, from whom I heard it for the first time.
 
12
Piketty (2014) offers the latest comprehensive support for the long-term argument, but for other time frames and perspectives, see also Facundo et al. (2013).
 
13
Perhaps the most pioneering insight on the inequality generated by a market system; see, among the many excellent translations available, Aristotle (1984).
 
14
See Lakner and Milanovic (2013) for this, and particularly for the now famous ‘elephant graph’ on the relative wealth improvements, thanks to globalisation, according to different income classes of the world population.
 
15
These consequences regularly pop up in rather unpleasant, problematic ways. Despite other causes, today’s serious migration issue is partially due to this huge global inequality.
 
16
The shift does not mean that developments everywhere else ceased; biological sciences, together with biochemistry and biotechnology, flourished accordingly.
 
17
I am including Israel and North Korea in the nine (along with China, France, India, Pakistan, Russia, the UK and the USA).
 
18
A more detailed argument can be found in Flôres (2013).
 
19
I am fully aware that such examples are not a given. My purpose is solely to point out that creative, and eventually positive patterns might emerge in an environment of global flux.
 
20
The suggestion to create a hotline between Washington, D.C., and Moscow is informally attributed to him.
 
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Metadata
Title
Back to Nukes? Global Governance’s Transitional Moment
Author
Renato G. Flôres Jr
Copyright Year
2020
Publisher
Springer International Publishing
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23092-0_5

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