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Published in:
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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

10. Conclusion: From Policing the Crisis to Trump, and Beyond

Author : Tony Jefferson

Published in: Stuart Hall, Conjunctural Analysis and Cultural Criminology

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

The concluding chapter starts with a summary answer to the book’s opening questions about why another book about Hall might be of interest to criminologists at this point in time. It then makes the case for turning to the American election of 2020, a populist moment of global significance politically, for which a conjunctural analysis is designed. This also adds a comparative dimension to my Brexit analysis. Two contrasting Gramscian-inspired analyses of Trump’s populist electoral victory of 2016 provide a theoretical and political framework for the ensuing discussion. This highlights key issues of relevance to conjunctural analysis, namely, the relationship between Hall’s notion of ‘authoritarian populism’ and ‘left populism’, the role of the state, and what is entailed in theorising the complexity of a conjuncture. Additionally, the Hart (2020) analysis introduces the notion of ‘global conjunctural moments’, an idea that connects with Hall’s international framing of his discussion of the politics of difference. Following these analyses, I offer my own evaluation of Trump’s responses to the globally significant challenges of climate change, the refugee crisis, Black Lives Matter and the pandemic, how his multiple failures in these areas may have impacted the election result, and what we might expect ‘after Trump’.

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previous chapter The Brexit Conjuncture Part Two: From 9/11 to the 2016 Referendum
next chapter Hall, Psychoanalysis and the Problem of Populist Anger
Footnotes
1
The anti-statism dimension of the popular support for Thatcherism survives in the Brexiteers hostility to the overarching EU state dictating ‘our’ laws and culture.
 
2
Although, earlier, I said that Fraser might repudiate Hart’s bracketing her with Mouffe (2018), the idea of attempting to reduce the appeal of working-class xenophobia does resemble Mouffe’s ideas about disarticulation/rearticulation: the need to disarticulate xenophobic discourse from its regressive, right populist version of democratic demands by entering into a ‘chain of equivalences’ with other democratic demands that thus create, through this rearticulation, a progressive or left populist version of democratic demands.
 
3
Some might regard a lead of 7 million in the popular vote and 74 in the electoral college votes as a fairly comprehensive victory, as indeed it was eventually. However, since many of the votes in the ‘flipped’ states were close, it is also accurate to call the resulting victory narrow: comprehensive but narrowly so. This is important if we are to draw a realistic picture of what lies ahead politically, which is my concern here.
 
4
This was the moment when the movement went national. The hashtag #BlackLivesMatter was first used after the acquittal, in July 2013, of George Zimmerman, who was not a police officer, for the vigilante killing the African-American teenager Trayvon Martin.
 
5
Although, it should be added, that the US all time deaths per million figure is only the 12th worst in the world. Belgium heads that list, with the UK also ahead of the USA. All figures from Statista.com. It should not need adding that the reliability of coronavirus statistics varies between countries and different agencies produce slightly different sets of figures. China, for example, had recorded only 4,634 deaths, apparently, by January 6, 2021.
 
6
Hall recalls the quote as ‘Look Mama, a black man’. Both ‘black man’ and ‘negro’ are used in the text, the former when Fanon is writing in his own voice, the latter when he is quoting the white gaze.
 
7
There is, I learn, a ‘White Lives Matter’ movement and it is regarded as a racist, white supremacist movement.
 
8
It could be argued that middle-class white supporters of the ‘All Lives Matter’ slogan, being part of the dominant class as well as the dominant ethnicity, can hardly complain about not being recognised. But this would be to overlook the cultural divide between the traditional and the ‘new’ middle classes that I noted in the last chapter when I discussed middle-class discontent and Brexit in the UK context. Despite the four-year political ascendancy of Trump, the ‘backward’, rural or suburban ‘small town’ outlook of the traditional middle classes has long played second fiddle to the cultural dominance of the urban cosmopolitanism of the new middle classes. In combination with feeling mis-recognised on racial grounds (‘we are not racists’), there is plenty of evidence, among middle-class as well as working-class white Trump supporters, of not feeling recognised.
 
9
Although Perry chose Wisconsin because it voted for Trump in 2016, it was one of the states that secured Biden’s victory in 2020.
 
Literature
Fraser, N. 2019. The Old is Dying and the New Cannot be Born: From Progressive Neoliberalism to Trump and Beyond. London: Verso.
Hage, G. 2010. The affective politics of racial mis-interpellation. Theory, Culture and Society 27 (7/8): 112–29.CrossRef
Hall, S. 1978. Pluralism, race and class in Caribbean society. In UNESCO, ed. (1978: 150–84 and 457–58).
Hall, S. 1980a/2019. Race, articulation and societies structured in dominance. In Morley, ed. (2019: 172–221).
Hall, S. 1980b. Nicos Poulantzas: State, power, socialism. New Left Review 119: 60–69.
Hall, S., C. Critcher, T. Jefferson, J. Clarke, and B. Roberts. 1978. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law & Order. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan.CrossRef
Hall, S., C. Critcher, T. Jefferson, J. Clarke, and B. Roberts. 2013. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law & Order, 2nd ed. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hochschild, A.R. 2016. Strangers in their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right. New York: The New Press.
Laclau, E. 1977. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism—Fascism—Populism. London: New Left Books.
Laclau, E. 2005. On Populist Reason. London: Verso.
Laclau, E., and C. Mouffe. 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, trans. W. Moore and P. Cammack. London: Verso.
Lowery, W. 2017. They Can’t Kill Us All: The Story of Black Lives Matter. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Morley, D. 2019. Theoretical and methodological principles: Class, race, and articulation. In Morley, ed. (2019: 101–10).
Morley, D. (ed.). 2019. Stuart Hall Essential Essays Vol. 1: Foundations of Cultural Studies. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
Mouffe, C. 2018. For a Left Populism. London: Verso.
Poulantzas, N. 1978. State, Power, Socialism, trans. P. Camiller. London: New Left Books.
Sennett, R. 2020. Even if Donald Trump loses the election, the US isn’t going to heal any time soon. The Guardian, November 2.
UNESCO (ed.). 1978. Race and Class in Post-Colonial Society: A Study of Ethnic Group Relations in the English-Speaking Caribbean, Bolivia, Chile and Mexico. Paris: UNESCO.
Metadata
Title
Conclusion: From Policing the Crisis to Trump, and Beyond
Author
Tony Jefferson
Copyright Year
2021
Book
Stuart Hall, Conjunctural Analysis and Cultural Criminology

Print ISBN: 978-3-030-74730-5

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-74731-2

Copyright Year: 2021

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74731-2_10