Ethical Competencies for Public Leadership

Rights claims have expanded beyond “first-generation” civil and political rights to include the rights of national parks, rivers and mountains as “legal persons”. This chapter reflects on theories of rights, and difficulties rights claims present in politics and public life in pluralist societies. Bromell argues that in general, public policy goes better when we refrain from asserting non-negotiable, absolute rights claims (rights as trumps) and instead negotiate interests “in the public interest”. Manoeuvring through competing and conflicting claims requires skills practised more in international relations than in domestic politics, so the proposed resolution for public leadership is to be diplomatic. This implies open, inquiring engagement with stakeholders; skilful re-framing of rights-demands as interests-claims that need to be justified through reasoned argument and negotiation; and the ability to manoeuvre calmly and quietly through political minefields without causing collateral damage.

In a liberal society, the price we pay to secure our own freedom is relinquishing the power to impose our ideas, beliefs, opinions and values on others. Bromell argues that freedom is not the only value, but it has a very high priority in a pluralist democratic politics. This chapter reflects on what freedom means and why it matters, principles that may justify interfering with others’ freedom, and limits to tolerance. The proposed resolution for public leadership is to be respectful of our own and others’ freedom. This implies opting for governmental intervention as a last resort, not a first resort; seeking opportunities to reduce inequalities and enable the effective freedom of people to lead lives they have reason to value; facilitating citizen participation in self-government; and declining to dominate, threaten or belittle people with whom we do not agree.

In liberal democratic societies, there is broad agreement that human persons are of equal moral worth and that we should treat one another as equals. Bromell notes that we do not agree, however, on what it means to treat one another equally, above all in the distribution of social goods. This chapter reflects on what equality means; the basis of human equality; why equality matters; what it means to treat one another equally; and equality between persons and groups, including the place of special measures (affirmative action) and measures to redress historical injustices. The proposed resolution for public leadership is to be impartial. This implies equal concern and respect for persons as persons, including the very young, the very old and the profoundly disabled; blocking hegemonic attempts to secure unequal advantage; and open rather than closed impartiality.

A concern for fairness appears to be a “wired” trait in humans, a universal norm and a product of both nature and nurture. Concern for fairness often begins as an emotion or intuition expressed as a moral judgment (“But that’s not fair!”). We then apply reasoning, somewhat after the fact, to justify to ourselves and to others the moral judgment we have made. Bromell shows that in everyday life, how we think about fairness depends on the context, the relationships between the parties, and time (and the passage of time). This chapter provides a framework for assessment of fair process and two approaches to the comparative assessment of fair outcomes. The proposed resolution for public leadership is to be fair. This implies practised skill in facilitating public reasoning and brokering agreements in local contexts on practicable options to make our life together fairer than it is now.

The charge is sometimes made that liberalism has failed because it has promoted individual rights and freedoms at the expense of community and sustainability. Bromell argues that we should think about the debate between liberalism and communitarianism as a both/and, not an either/or. The individual, intermediate associations (communities) and the state are three points of a triad, to be held in creative tension. The chapter explores this in relation to state neutrality, perfectionism and nation building before elaborating on community as reciprocity. The challenge for a pluralist democratic politics is to regain compassion for humanity and nature, adapt institutions and processes to ensure anticipatory governance, facilitate progress through “gifts and gains” and embrace a politics of kindness. The proposed resolution for public leadership is to be prudent. This implies exercising practical wisdom in governing for the long term that maintains a creative tension between individuals, intermediate associations and the state.

In this concluding chapter, Bromell sums up the kind of leadership and the kind of politics needed where diversity in proximity generates conflict. We need to cultivate leadership practices of being civil, diplomatic, respectful, impartial, fair and prudent. And we need a pluralist, democratic and political politics. The goal is to minimise domination, humiliation, cruelty and violence and enable caring, hope and kindness. No single ethical principle or value can be determinative in public life. When plural values are at stake, safe passage lies in navigating “between the stars”. Governance and management, human resource management, organisational learning and development and workplace mentoring all have roles to play in developing ethical competencies for public leadership. We build ethical muscle as together we reflect on who we are, how we are with others, and the values and virtues we want to govern our conduct of public life.