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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. How the European Union Made Poland European Again

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Abstract

This chapter analyzes the sources of Poland’s unprecedented economic performance after 1989, when Poland became Europe’s and the world’s growth champion. I argue that this growth miracle was driven by five fundamental factors, including Poland’s accession to the European Union. All five factors were critically important, but without accession to the EU, Poland’s economic miracle would not have happened.

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Footnotes
1
Although, if the source statistics can be fully believed, Albania’s GDP per capita during 1990–2018 increased by 149 percent, a shade higher than Poland’s.
 
2
Based on data from the World Bank’s WDI database https://​data.​worldbank.​org/​indicator/​ny.​gdp.​pcap.​pp.​kd, plus own projections for 2018.
 
3
Malinowski (2016) argues that Poland’s GDP per capita in 1580 reached 85 percent of income in France. That said, given the much higher income and wealth inequality in pre-modern Poland, where the top 6–8 percent of the society—the ruling gentry and aristocracy—monopolized the economy, the median levels of income were lower than today. In addition, more than 80 percent of the society were serfs, whose status was in practice not that entirely different than that of slaves. They would be quite surprised to hear that they lived in a “golden age”.
 
7
A recent paper by Blanchet, Chancel and Gethin (2019) argues that Poland’s inequality measured by income shares is the highest in Europe, with the top 10 percent of Poles taking over almost 40 percent of the national income versus less than 30 percent in the Czech Republic.
 
8
Owing to a strong resistance from a robust civil society, Poland’s mass privatization was delayed until 1996, much later than among most other post-socialist countries. When it finally happened, strong institutions, independent media, and availability of market prices for assets ensured that the privatization was much “cleaner” than elsewhere and did not lead to the emergence of oligarchs.
 
9
In Piatkowski (2018), I focus on Poland’s long-term development and propose a new model of institutional development based on the amended concept of “inclusive” and “extractive” institutions developed by Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson (2005) and Acemoglu and Robinson (2012).
 
10
Leszek Balcerowicz, Grzegorz W. Kolodko, and Marek Belka, the three key economic policymakers of the last 30 years, were all Fulbright scholars in America in the 1970s and 1980s and have kept close touch with Western economics throughout their careers. Jacek Rostowski, Poland’s finance minister during 2007–2014, was the most Western of all: he was born and spent most of his life in the UK, moving to Poland to assume the minister’s position.
 
11
In the early days of transition, the reforms were also anchored by the IMF and the World Bank financing support programs (Roaf et al. 2014), the US-led international effort to create a US$ 1 billion Stabilization Fund, and the need to follow the reforms underlying the agreed 50 percent debt restructurings with Paris Club and later London Club of creditors.
 
13
According to one perspective, Poland’s culture is still in many ways closer to that of Latin America than to many other countries in Europe. See Inglehart–Welzel Cultural Map at http://​www.​worldvaluessurve​y.​org/​WVSContents.​jsp
 
15
Poland and Ukraine had a similar GDP per capita in 1990. In 2018, Poland’s GDP PPP was almost four time higher than in Ukraine. From: https://​data.​worldbank.​org/​indicator/​NY.​GDP.​PCAP.​PP.​KD?​locations=​PL-UA
 
16
Mexico’s economy much depends on the USA, Malaysia on China and Poland on Germany. World Bank (2017) selected Mexico and Malaysia as Poland’s peers in their comparative analysis of Poland’s performance.
 
17
Despite much criticism of the current Law and Justice party’s government, including its attempts to undermine the rule of law, the economic policy has been far from populist: over the last four years, 2015–19, the government has presided over an almost 20 percent increase in GDP per capita, one of the highest growth ratios in the EU, a decline in inequality and poverty and a falling public debt.
 
18
Annual median equivalized disposable household income measures median income for families adjusted for taxes, social security contributions and social benefits. It is also adjusted for purchasing power parity (OECD 2019, p. 76).
 
21
In Poland, real labor productivity per person increased by 23.8 percent during 2010–2018, the second fastest rate of increase in the EU, after Romania. In Germany, it increased by only 5.5 percent. Source: https://​appsso.​eurostat.​ec.​europa.​eu/​nui/​show.​do?​dataset=​nama_​10_​lp_​ulc&​lang=​en
 
22
Although rapidly growing labor market shortages over the last few years, only partially filled by a significant increase in labor immigration, especially from Ukraine, have spurred a much faster increase in wages. That said, growth in unit labor costs continues to be subdued (IMF 2019).
 
23
See the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators for the current reading of Poland’s institutional quality: https://​info.​worldbank.​org/​governance/​wgi/​#reports
 
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Metadata
Title
How the European Union Made Poland European Again
Author
Marcin Piatkowski
Copyright Year
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57686-8_5