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2017 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

7. Imitation and Innovation in the Early Twentieth-Century North China Weaving Industry

Author : Linda Grove

Published in: Imitation, Counterfeiting and the Quality of Goods in Modern Asian History

Publisher: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on the question of authenticity, the aspect of product quality related to whether products are what they claim to be. Based on a case study of copying of the technology of the iron gear loom in the North China textile industry in the early twentieth century, it draws connections with the well-known work of Maxine Berg on imitation and innovation in eighteenth-century European markets for products designed to substitute for Asian imports. The paper uses Frank Dikötter’s notion of “copy culture,” which Dikötter developed to describe the activities of Chinese manufacturers who made copies of foreign daily-use items for the domestic market. While Dikötter’s work focused on the consumption of what he termed “exotic goods,” looking at the creation of segmented markets for “authentic” imports and domestic copies, this chapter looks at the mechanisms of production and the role of foreign import merchants in the commissioning of copies. Small Chinese firms then built on the technologies they had learned to establish production bases for independent indigenous production. The chapter draws connections between indigenous “imitations” and the contemporary production of both authentic products and “fakes.” Finally the chapter considers the role of economic nationalism and the role of the state in the flourishing of copy culture.

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Footnotes
1
Most products carry labels that say where they are manufactured. There have been efforts in Europe to limit the use of regional designations to products actually produced in the region, so a “Parma ham” label cannot be put on a similar product produced in the United States. At the same time, many luxury goods that carry “Made in Italy” labels are actually manufactured in China, with only some small finishing task completed in Italy so that the “Made in Italy” label can be attached. In recent years, even when the luxury goods are produced in Italy, the workers are often immigrant Chinese laborers.
 
2
Many of the world’s best-known brands carry the names of their designers or designing company rather than the brand of the company that actually manufactures them. For example, most iPhones are manufactured in China by a Taiwanese-owned firm Foxconn but carry the Apple label, not a Foxconn label.
 
3
There are many different kinds of goods that have been classified as counterfeit or fake—some cheap imitations of well-known luxury products, others higher-quality goods that use brand names similar to these of well-known products. Yi-Chieh Jessica Lin in a book on the phenomenon has outlined various uses of the terms, including unauthorized use of a brand name or trademark, intentional resemblance to a well-known brand name, and unauthorized sale of unauthorized production of overstock (Lin 2011, p.5).
 
4
The problem of fake goods is not exclusively a problem between China and foreign countries. There have also been frequent troubles within the Chinese domestic market related to fake goods. There have been numerous reports of fake medicines, fake food products, fake alcoholic beverages, fake cigarettes, and fake beverages, and some of those fakes have not only been deceptive, but also have been dangerous, sometimes leading to the deaths of consumers.
 
5
In the early twentieth century “genuine” foreign goods were imported, while the imitations were usually locally produced. In today’s market, both the genuine and the counterfeit are produced in factories in China, the genuine produced under license and contract with the legal owner of the logo, while the counterfeit are produced without such agreement.
 
6
In this article Hamilton considers three explanations for the seeming failure of Chinese to consume foreign goods: the faulty merchandising and marketing explanation; the cultural explanation, usually stressing the conservative and xenophobic nature of Chinese culture; and the status competition explanation, which argued that upper-class consumers sought well-established domestic brands. Essays in a volume on foreign goods in Latin America draw heavily on Hamilton’s view to argue that the situation in Latin America was quite different from China. I share Dikötter’s view that the Chinese were strongly attracted to foreign imports. For the Latin American case, see Orlove 1997.
 
7
The Chinese government would not regain tariff autonomy until after the establishment of a new national government, based in Nanjing, in 1928.
 
8
Rural electrification did not reach most of rural China until the 1960s, and so the iron gear loom had a long-life in its new home where it was used in small workshops. Even after the arrival of rural electrification, a slightly modified version of the iron gear loom—which attached a simple motor and power belt to the same basic loom—continued in use.
 
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Metadata
Title
Imitation and Innovation in the Early Twentieth-Century North China Weaving Industry
Author
Linda Grove
Copyright Year
2017
Publisher
Springer Singapore
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3752-8_7

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