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2020 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

Introduction: The Discipline of International Economic Law at a Crossroads

Author : Akbar Rasulov

Published in: New Voices and New Perspectives in International Economic Law

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Old certainties are melting away. An era has drawn to a close. The foundations of the global economic system are rapidly changing. The opening of intellectual horizons that has come in the wake of these epochal shifts calls for a fundamental rethinking of the main functions and tasks of international economic law (IEL) as a disciplinary project. It also calls for a new explanation of international law’s systemic potential, power, and effectivity in the context of contemporary global governance. How does international law influence the workings of international economic governance? What are the main ways in which it can impact on the course of global economic affairs? Drawing on the traditions of legal realism, Marxism, and classical law-and-economics, this essay outlines a four-fold theory of IEL’s regulatory effectivity: IEL as a price-setting mechanism, IEL as a mechanism for the structuring of opportunities, IEL as a mechanism of ideological legitimation, and IEL as a mechanism of disciplining and interpellation. The goal of this theoretical project is to promote an intellectual recalibration of IEL’s disciplinary ambit along fundamentally functionalist lines: the discipline of IEL should study everything that pertains to how the effective legal realities of global economic governance are set up, how they operate, and how they are produced. The dreariness of the déjà vu one feels when looking at the traditional IEL scholarship would have probably felt a lot more tolerable had we somehow been able to muster the sense that the endless reproduction of the established paradigm might eventually lead to something tangibly good and positive in the external world outside our debates. But by and large, we know, that is simply not true. And so the question inevitably arises: if all of that which we have got used to practising as a scholarly community is still getting us nowhere better than where we have been before, why not try something different?

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next chapter The Ordo-Liberal Origins of Modern International Investment Law: Constructing Competition on a Global Scale

See, e.g., Authers (2018), Sandbu (2017), Beattie (2009), Beffa and Ragot (2008), Wolf (2008).

See O’Rourke (2019), Ramiro Troitiño et al. (2018), Sampson (2017, p. 163).

See Schumacher (2018), Stille (2018).

See Amann et al. (2018); Schumacher (2017).

See Hegedüs (2019), Byrne et al (2018), Zalan (2018), Robins-Early (2018).

See Szewczyk (2019, p. 33), Barber (2019), Jones (2018), El-Erian (2018).

Cf. Moyn and Priestland (2017): ‘Since Donald Trump’s election, the United States has been gripped by tyrannophobia. Conspiracies against democracy are everywhere; truth is under siege; totalitarianism is making a comeback; “resistance” is the last refuge of citizens.’.

See Liptak (2017).

See Saeed (2017).

See Atkins and Khan (2017), Riegert (2017).

See Payosova et al. (2018); Baynes (2018).

See Burchill (2001, p. 79).

See Riegert (2017).

See Shafak (2019).

See Norris and Inglehart (2019).

See Mounk and Foa (2018).

See Barthes (2000, p. 41).

See Barthes (2000, pp. 41–42).

See Sloterdijk (1987, pp. 3–8).

See Hegel [2008, p. 85 (89)].

See Sloterdijk (1987, p. 5).

For further background, see Rasulov (2012, p. 151).

For further discussion, see Haskell and Rasulov (2018, p. 243). For illustrations, see Van den Meersche (2018), Rasulov (2018), Brabazon (2017), Krever (2011), and Mieville (2005). An important element of this process of theoretical opening is reflected in the fact that a growing body of scholarship about IEL is now produced by non-lawyers and scholars whose primary disciplinary training is in another field. See, e.g., Slobodian (2018), Moudud (2018, p. 289).

See Hobsbawm (1997, p. 354).

See Ball (2007, p. 7).

See Lesaffer [2007, p. 27 (29)].

For further discussion, see Vadi (2017, p. 311), Koskenniemi (2013, p. 215), Lesaffer (2007, p. 27).

Not all historians disagree with this view, of course. See, for example, Kalman [1997, p. 87 (114–117)].

Gilmore (1977, p. 102).

Ibid.

See, e.g., Mantilla (2017, p. 483), Alexander (2015, p. 109), Megret (2006, p. 265).

See, e.g., Martinez (2012), Moyn (2010).

See, e.g., Bowman and Kritsiotis (2018), Craven (2007).

See, e.g., Sinclair (2018, p. 841), Van Den Meersche (2018, p. 168).

See, e.g., Fitzmaurice and Tams (2013).

See, among others, St. John (2018), Howse (2016, p. 9), Miles (2013), Clavin (2013); Lang (2011).

See Koskenniemi (2004, p. 61).

For further discussion, see Rasulov [2008, pp. 243 (290–294)].

For a general background to the Law-and-Society tradition, see Feenan (2013); Cotterrell (2002, p. 632).

One can also think of this way of approaching the study of IEL as an extension of a much older socio-legal tradition, the so-called ‘social control theory’. See Gurvitch (1942, pp. 23–30).

Word like ‘empirical’ and ‘conventional’ do a lot of work here. One person’s ‘conventional judgment’, of course, is another person’s ‘entirely arbitrary opinion’. Logically, it has to be accepted, there is not much we can do about that. No amount of analytical rigour or theoretical precision can protect us against the fundamental arbitrariness of our starting definitions. The most we can do is acknowledge this fact and accept its implications pragmatically.

Althusser [1970, p. 11 (59)] (emphasis in the original).

See Cohen [1935, pp. 809 (826)].

See Arnold [1932, pp. 617 (624–631)].

See, e.g., Llewellyn (1930, pp. 82–83).

See, e.g., Holmes [1897, p. 457 (458)], Corbin [1924, pp. 501 (515–516)].

See, e.g., Hale [1935, pp. 149 (159–163, 168–170, 176–179)].

Cf. Timasheff (1939, pp. 23–24): ‘Law is a social force. Its social function is that of imposing norms of conduct or patterns of social behaviour on the individual will, and the aim of jurisprudence is to study these norms’.

On legal pluralism, see, generally, Merry (1988, p. 869), Tamanaha (2000, p. 296).

See, generally, Kelsen [1953, pp. 1 (13–32)] (acknowledging the simultaneous co-existence of multiple species of legal orders, with international law identified as a ‘primitive legal system’ and national legal orders as ‘more developed’ legal systems).

See Shaffer and Ginsburg (2012, p. 1), Franck (2008, p. 767).

See, e.g., Ascensio (2018), Lowenfeld (2008).

For further background on the studies of transnational private regulation and related topics, see Scott et al (2011, p. 1). On the importance of studying the implementational practices of national bureaucracies, see also Greer and Almagro Iniesta (2014, p. 361).

See Tarullo [1999, pp. 105 (108–109)].

See Meidinger (2007), pp. 121 (122–126).

Ibid., pp. 122–123.

See further Mercuro and Medema (1997, pp. 21–24).

See Holmes [1897, pp. 457 (459–461)].

This is a very old insight, even among international lawyers. For a classical illustration of this kind of argument in an international law context, see Henkin [1971, pp. 544 (544)].

See further Hale (1935, p. 149).

And vice versa: every regime that puts in place a system of licensing, pricing, and subsidisation of politically and economically relevant conduct, from the functionalist point of view, deserves the attention of legal scholars. Every regime that puts in place such a system in the context of the international political economy deserves the attention of IEL scholars.

See Kennedy (1997, p. 59).

See Kennedy (1993, p. 87).

See Kennedy (1993, p. 100).

See Kennedy (1997, p. 59). See also Rasulov [2008, p. 243 (291)].

See Szekely (1997, p. 234).

See Foucault (1995).

On the concept of interpellation, see further Althusser (1971, pp. 170–183).

See Mills (2011, pp. 101–104).

See Eberhardt and Olivet (2012, p. 38).

Kennedy [2003, pp. 915 (916)].

Ibid., pp. 916–917.

For typical illustrations, see Williams and Foote (2011, p. 42), Du Ming (2010, p. 1077), Mavroidis (2008).

For typical illustrations, see Brabazon (2017), Krever (2011, p. 287), Santos (2006, p. 253).

For typical illustrations, see Paparinskis (2008, p. 264), Binder (2013, p. 71), Marboe (2013, p. 229), Pauwelyn (2003). But see also Maggio (2017).

See Van Den Meersche (2018, p. 168), Tienhaara (2011, p. 606), Vranes (2009, p. 953), Schneiderman (2008), Chimni (2004, p. 1).

Mamatas and others v Greece [2016] European Court of Human Rights 63066/14.

Schneiderman (2008, p. 69).

Marcuse (2002, p. 8).

Ibid., pp. xl–xlii.

Ibid., p. 227.

For a typical illustration, see Loibl (2003, p. 689).

See Jackson [1998, pp. 1 (8–11)].

See Sinclair [2018, pp. 841 (868)].

See for further discussion, Haskell and Rasulov (2018, p. 243). See also the various contributions in Mattei and Haskell (2015) and Brabazon (2017).

See d’Aspremont (2018, pp. 47–54).

See Schlag (1998, p. 141).

Lest it be assumed that the only thing that is required for this is the ‘opening of the mind’—e.g. that which might begin with reading volumes like this one—let us also recall the most basic lesson taught to us by the sociology of knowledge: moving ‘outside the box’ intellectually is an indispensable first step, but broader imaginational and discursive patterns will be able to change only when the underlying socio-institutional logics change too. For further discussion of what sort of factors these socio-institutional logics might involve, see Barrozo (2017, p. 114), Rasulov (2017, p. 189).

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Title: Introduction: The Discipline of International Economic Law at a Crossroads
Author: Akbar Rasulov
Publisher: Springer International Publishing
Book: New Voices and New Perspectives in International Economic Law
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-32511-4

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-030-32512-1

Copyright Year: 2020
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32512-1_1