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Contemporary Islam

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12-11-2022

Nasionalis-cum-Nahdliyin: a new identity for nominal Javanese Muslims

Author: Akhmad Rizqon Khamami

Published in: Contemporary Islam | Issue 2-3/2022

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Abstract

This article discusses contemporary developments in Islam in Indonesia by specifically looking at Muslims living in rural Java. Whereas most studies examine urban Muslims and mostly define Islamization that leads to the emergence of the middle class and the so-called “conservative turn,” this article offers a brief discussion of the transformation of non-practicing Muslims or abangan. Through fieldwork in a remote village in Tulungagung, East Java, the article argues that the massive Islamization in contemporary Java has invited the abangan to construct their new identity of Nasionalis-cum-Nahdliyin. While the term “Nasionalis” refers to a modern ideological category, “Nahdliyin” represents a mode of religiosity that confirms local customs and traditions. Looking at their communal ceremonies, such as yasinan-tahlilan, this new identity has given the abangan a means to maintain their communal bond with their ancestral spirits on the one hand and community cohesion on the other. These communal activities are an amalgam of santri and abangan traditions with which the latter exercise their communal piety in the public space.

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Hadrami is of historical and contemporary importance in Indonesia. Hadrami (Yemeni) Arab communities have been residing in Southeast Asia for centuries. Their type of Islamic practice resembles that of traditional Indonesian Muslims, especially Nahdlatul Ulama, such as the veneration of wali (pl. awliya’; saints) and visits to their tombs. Some seminal Hadrami figures lead social movements that draws on the religious capital of their sayyid genealogy, with which attracted a sheer number of followings. Many Indonesians revere Hadramis because of their assumedly descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. It is estimated that there are more than 1 million Indonesian Hadramis. They are prominent in business, politics, intellectual, and religious life in the country. It indicates the increasing significance of Hadrami sayyids in contemporary Indonesia (see Woodward et al., 2012; Ho 2006; Alatas 2021).

None of the many Islamist parties that were founded in the Reform era has had a significant impact on elections. The PKS, for an instance, has abandoned much of its Islamist agenda (at least in public) due to lack of votes in elections. It turns out that the party has tried to embrace, rather than reject, local cultures (see Woodward et al., 2013), and now its leaders even participate in yasinan-tahlilan rituals which they once said were unacceptable and sinful un-Islamic innovations.

Muslim/Christian violence in Ambon in eastern Indonesia lasted from 1999 until 2002 (see Hasan 2006; Al Qurtuby 2016; Lukens-Bull and Woodward 2021).

For more discussion on the harmony between man, God, and nature, see Maarif (2014).

Langgar is a site for holding prayers, usually small in size, while a masjid is a larger one in which the Friday prayers are regularly performed.

As a local religious leader, a modin deals with the religious affairs of the community, leads religious rituals (see Arifin 2017:268–69), and serves as an informal marriage functionary at the village level (see Fauzi 2019:408).

There is a similar story of the massacre that took place in Klaten, Central Java (see Wildan 2013:195).

For a further discussion on the massacre of 1965 and its impacts, see McGregor et al. (2018).

On the massacres in 1965 and the wiping out of the Communist remnants in South Blitar, East Java, in the following years, whereabouts Tanggunggunung locates, see Hearman (2010; 2012).

On how the New Order regime constructed myths justifying politicide and legitimizing the military domination of Indonesian life, see Woodward (2011b).

The Indonesian army assumedly encouraged, shaped, directed, and facilitated militia groups and death squads to kill PKI members (see Melvin 2017; Robinson 2017; and Melvin 2018).

For a comparison with other killings in East Java, particularly in Kediri and Bangil, see Hearman (2018, 68–111).

Similar events occurred in other parts of Indonesia (see Robinson 2018).

On the New Order’s propaganda as a political tool through defaming the Communist Party of Indonesia, see Wieringa and Katjasungkana (2019).

In the aftermath of the 1965 event, the rise of mosque attendance similarly occurred in other parts of Java (see Hefner 1987, 541).

Priyayi are Javanese aristocrats; santri are practicing Muslims; and abangan are nominal or non-practicing Muslims.

For a discussion on the proselytization of the Christian missionaries in the Dutch East Indies, currently Indonesia, see Kruithof (2014).

Pak Marjono is the current lurah of Tanggunggunung.

For polarization in Java, see Ricklefs (2007; 2008).

A slametan is a communal meal usually with the aims to reach well-being, prosperity, and safety in life (see van den Boogert 2017). For further reading on slametan among Suriname Javanese, see Khusen (2005).

The shift from slametan to yasinan-tahlilan ritual is in line with a new development in Java, in which the relation between culture and religion was conceptualized. Slametan underwent a significant shift. It was formerly known as part of agama (religion) and is currently referred to as belonging to kebudayaan (culture) (see Woodward 2011a, 2011b, 2011c).

A similar characteristic persists in a community in Kotagede, a Javanese old city in Yogyakarta (see Sirait 2016).

On information on a wide range of the massacre, see Robinson (2018).

For further reading on NU and local traditions, see Feillard (2011).

A number of Indonesians have experienced transcendental communication with ancestor spirits through pilgrimages to shrine and graves (see Hellman 2013). Indonesian Muslims have even invented saintly tombs, some of which are the graves of seven Muslim saints (Wali Pitu) in Bali (see Zuhri 2013a, 2013b; 2022) and several saintly tombs in Central Java (see Alatas 2020).

For a general notion of nationalism, see Anderson (2006).

A similar situation has appeared in the Muslim community of Madura, in which blater (abangan-like) and santri keep a harmonious life by avoiding attacking each other’s traditions (see Pribadi 2018, particularly chapter 4 and 7, and Pribadi 2014).

It is also important to note that many Muslims strongly oppose aliran penghayat kepercayaan, or simply penghayat/kebatinan movements partly because it may cause contestation and challenge existing religious power (see Smith 2014). This is the case with Sapta Dharma which was regarded as heretical and considered to be “un-Islamic” by most Javanese Muslims and its headquarters was attacked in October of 2008 (see Woodward 2011a).

Yatno is a member of Jawa Dipa.

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Title: Nasionalis-cum-Nahdliyin: a new identity for nominal Javanese Muslims
Author: Akhmad Rizqon Khamami
Publication date: 12-11-2022
Publisher: Springer Netherlands
Published in: Contemporary Islam / Issue 2-3/2022
Print ISSN: 1872-0218
Electronic ISSN: 1872-0226
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-022-00505-6

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