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2020 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

1. Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales

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Abstract

To reframe the vernacular to address issues around politics, semiotics and representation is to demand multiple actors on opposite sites to address their interests and concerns over the physical environment and its contradictory forces. This chapter consists of two parts. The first part teases out five spheres of inquiry: power of the state, forces of capitalism, practices of everyday life, the propensity of religion and ecology, and the reconstitution of identity. It shows how these spheres shape multiple actors who in turn shape their interaction producing thus the vernacular as the site of contestation. The second part uses Indonesian history as an illustrative example of how the vernacular could be studied politically as a site of contestation.

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Literature
1.
go back to reference Maybe I need to find more documents, but the earliest I have is from 1989 in the writing by Budi Sukada on architectural typology. Sukada used the term vernacular to refer to the architectural strategy of Mario Botta. The term was only taken up seriously in 2002 through an international conference called “Vernacular Settlement in the New Millennium: Resistance and Resilience of Local Knowledge in Built Environment” organized by University of Indonesia under the leadership of Gunawan Tjahjono who studies at UC Berkeley where Nezar Alsayyad, Dell Upton and Paul Groth were by then already major players in the shaping of discourses around vernacular architecture. Maybe I need to find more documents, but the earliest I have is from 1989 in the writing by Budi Sukada on architectural typology. Sukada used the term vernacular to refer to the architectural strategy of Mario Botta. The term was only taken up seriously in 2002 through an international conference called “Vernacular Settlement in the New Millennium: Resistance and Resilience of Local Knowledge in Built Environment” organized by University of Indonesia under the leadership of Gunawan Tjahjono who studies at UC Berkeley where Nezar Alsayyad, Dell Upton and Paul Groth were by then already major players in the shaping of discourses around vernacular architecture.
2.
go back to reference The popularity of “vernacular” architecture is tied to the intense economic growth that took place in the West following the end of WWII which has led to the production of society of mass consumption. In the aftermath of the failure of 1968 movements, critics on the left in the West began to address the domination of industrial mass production and consumer culture. It gave meaning to Bernard Rudofsky’s exhibition “architecture without architects” which could be said as an effort to criticize the homogenization of built form by the “international style” architecture. Paul Oliver played a key role in popularizing the term. He visited Indonesia in the 1980s to find contributors for his multi-volume studies of vernacular architecture. The popularity of “vernacular” architecture is tied to the intense economic growth that took place in the West following the end of WWII which has led to the production of society of mass consumption. In the aftermath of the failure of 1968 movements, critics on the left in the West began to address the domination of industrial mass production and consumer culture. It gave meaning to Bernard Rudofsky’s exhibition “architecture without architects” which could be said as an effort to criticize the homogenization of built form by the “international style” architecture. Paul Oliver played a key role in popularizing the term. He visited Indonesia in the 1980s to find contributors for his multi-volume studies of vernacular architecture.
3.
go back to reference Existing studies on politics of architecture have shown how the vernacular was exploited for national identity as well as for reinforcing, as in the case of Fascism, the myth of Aryan superiority. Existing studies on politics of architecture have shown how the vernacular was exploited for national identity as well as for reinforcing, as in the case of Fascism, the myth of Aryan superiority.
4.
go back to reference AlSayyad, N. (ed): Consuming Tradition, manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism. Routledge, London (2001). AlSayyad, N. (ed): Consuming Tradition, manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism. Routledge, London (2001).
5.
go back to reference Suwidjana, I., Arivia, G., Dwikartika, G., Lustanto, R.: The eco-spiritual ethics of Balinese Hindus challenged: The case of the reclamation of Benoa Bay. in Budianta, M., et al. (eds). Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World: Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities, Depok, Indonesia, November 7–9, 2016.163. Routledge, London (2018). Suwidjana, I., Arivia, G., Dwikartika, G., Lustanto, R.: The eco-spiritual ethics of Balinese Hindus challenged: The case of the reclamation of Benoa Bay. in Budianta, M., et al. (eds). Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World: Proceedings of the Asia-Pacific Research in Social Sciences and Humanities, Depok, Indonesia, November 7–9, 2016.163. Routledge, London (2018).
6.
go back to reference Guha, R.: The Authority of Vernacular Pasts. Meanjin 51(2), 299 (1992). Guha, R.: The Authority of Vernacular Pasts. Meanjin 51(2), 299 (1992).
7.
go back to reference See: Prijotomo… Resistance to foreign term by some Indonesian architects deserves attention. For instance, the notion of “architecture.” Despite the familiarity of the term for students of architecture, the very definition of architecture (as defined by Vitruvius) has never been quite accepted. Debates continue until today about the difficulties with the term “architecture.” Consider how Romo Mangunwijaya replaced architecture with an Indic term: “Wastu Citra”; consider how Josef Prijotomo rejected Vitruvian framework by proposing the concept of “liyan” (the other); consider how Yuswadi Salya and Ardi Moersid kept reminding students about architecture is not represented by its physicality, instead it is the embodiment of mysteriumfascinans; Consider also how Robi Sularto, a philosopher of Balinese architecture believed that the architecture in Bali is “born,” not built. Consider how various attempts have been made to localize architecture by various terms: “ethnic architecture”; “regional architecture”; “arsitektur nusantara”; “arsitektur klasik Indonesia”; “arsitektur Pancasila” and so on. Behind this struggle was an attempt to define identity and difference, and to deal with the presences of or influences from outside: the colonial, the Indic or the Sinic. There are thus interests in finding the true, the authentic typical “traditional” architecture that assumed to lie underneath layers of supranational influences. See: Prijotomo… Resistance to foreign term by some Indonesian architects deserves attention. For instance, the notion of “architecture.” Despite the familiarity of the term for students of architecture, the very definition of architecture (as defined by Vitruvius) has never been quite accepted. Debates continue until today about the difficulties with the term “architecture.” Consider how Romo Mangunwijaya replaced architecture with an Indic term: “Wastu Citra”; consider how Josef Prijotomo rejected Vitruvian framework by proposing the concept of “liyan” (the other); consider how Yuswadi Salya and Ardi Moersid kept reminding students about architecture is not represented by its physicality, instead it is the embodiment of mysteriumfascinans; Consider also how Robi Sularto, a philosopher of Balinese architecture believed that the architecture in Bali is “born,” not built. Consider how various attempts have been made to localize architecture by various terms: “ethnic architecture”; “regional architecture”; “arsitektur nusantara”; “arsitektur klasik Indonesia”; “arsitektur Pancasila” and so on. Behind this struggle was an attempt to define identity and difference, and to deal with the presences of or influences from outside: the colonial, the Indic or the Sinic. There are thus interests in finding the true, the authentic typical “traditional” architecture that assumed to lie underneath layers of supranational influences.
8.
go back to reference Wright, G.: The politics of design in French colonial urbanism. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (1991). Wright, G.: The politics of design in French colonial urbanism. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (1991).
9.
go back to reference For a documentation of the debates, see Sudradjat, I.: A Study of Indonesian Architectural History. p. 25–35. PhD Dissertation, Department of Architecture, University of Sydney (1991). For a documentation of the debates, see Sudradjat, I.: A Study of Indonesian Architectural History. p. 25–35. PhD Dissertation, Department of Architecture, University of Sydney (1991).
10.
go back to reference “Sering2 saja berkata, bahwa sebagian besar dari pada rumah2 rakjat lebih menyerupai kendang sapi daripada kediaman manusia. Perumahan sematjam itu tidak lajak bagi suatubangsa jang merdeka dan tahu diri”. As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat. “Sering2 saja berkata, bahwa sebagian besar dari pada rumah2 rakjat lebih menyerupai kendang sapi daripada kediaman manusia. Perumahan sematjam itu tidak lajak bagi suatubangsa jang merdeka dan tahu diri”. As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat.
11.
go back to reference Hatta (1952): “Rumah rakjat hendak dibuat dari bahan dan material jang dihasilkan oleh bumi Indonesia”.As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat. Hatta (1952): “Rumah rakjat hendak dibuat dari bahan dan material jang dihasilkan oleh bumi Indonesia”.As cited in Hadinoto, K. 5 Tahun Djawatan Perumahan Rakjat.
Metadata
Title
Reframing the Vernacular and Other Tales
Author
Abidin Kusno
Copyright Year
2020
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22448-6_1