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2017 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

3. Singapore and Seoul as Neo-Developmental Cities

Authors : Cho Im Sik, Blaž Križnik

Published in: Community-Based Urban Development

Publisher: Springer Singapore

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Abstract

The chapter compares neoliberalisation of urban development in global Singapore and Seoul, and its consequences on the improvement of substandard residential areas in both cities. The Housing and Development Board’s upgrading programmes and New Town Development initiative are discussed as cases of what can be called neo-developmental urbanisation in Singapore and Seoul respectively. By comparing consequences of these two approaches on built environment, communal life and civic participation, this chapter looks into differences and similarities between neo-developmental urbanisation in Singapore and Seoul. Moreover, Wangsimni New Town in Seoul is taken as a case study to better understand how market-driven urban development becomes embedded in a particular locality, how the local state facilitates such projects, what their consequences are on localities, and, finally, how the residents responded to such speculative transformation of their neighbourhood. In this way Wangsimni New Town reveals limitations of neo-developmental urbanisation in Seoul, including demolition of old neighbourhoods, evictions and displacement of residents and small businesses, destruction of local economies, decline of communal life and culture as well as growing social conflicts among the residents and local government. In Singapore, neo-developmental urbanisation was less speculative and the role of real-estate market on transformation of residential areas was smaller compared to Seoul. In both cities the national and local government, nevertheless, tried to involve citizens and civil society in transformation of residential areas, although their role in affecting decisions of the state and urban development was very limited.

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previous chapter Developmental Urbanisation in Singapore and South Korea
next chapter Community-Based Approaches to Urban Development in Singapore and Seoul
Footnotes
1
In the Global Power City Index 2008, Tokyo was ranked 4th, Singapore 11th, Seoul 13th and Hong Kong 17th in comparative analysis of 30 major global cities. Although the method has changed and several cities were added, it is noticeable that global cities in East Asia have improved their ranks over the past decade. In the Global Power City Index 2015, Tokyo remains on the 4th place, while Singapore, Seoul and Hong Kong have moved to 5th, 6th and 7th rank respectively. Only Taipei has been positioned comparatively low on the 32nd place when compared to other major cities in East Asia in 2015 (The Mori Memorial Foundation 2015).
 
2
HUDC was established in 1974 to provide public housing for middle-income Singaporeans (Tan and Phang 1991, p. 13 cited in Han 2005).
 
3
In 1991, the HDB’s Design and Build scheme began allowing private architectural and construction firms to bid for contracts to build apartment blocks. The goal was to achieve ‘a higher degree of architectural sophistication’ and ‘more choice in the variety of housing’ (HDB Infoweb n.d., Brief background). The executive condominium scheme, launched in August 1995, saw the HDB venture into apartments with all the appearance and facilities of private condominiums, but with 99-year leaseholds similar to those of HDB flats and governed by the HDB’s policy of subsidy and conditions on application and resale. The executive condominiums effectively created yet another rung in the HDB’s evolving scheme of upwardly mobile housing, to cater to increasingly well-to-do households while channelling them away from the private property market into subsidised near alternatives (Goh 2001, pp. 1595–1597).
 
4
The EC scheme, close to complete privatization, where private developers build, sell, and manage the stocks for 99 years, under the condition that those neighbourhoods are within public domain for the first 10 years, was controversial as it benefited the buyers with generous subsidies and capital gains, triggering fear of wider wealth gap. Under the hybrid model, introduced by the DBSS, the developer tenders for the land and enjoys flexibility in designing, pricing, and selling the apartments subject to the relevant legislation and rules to preserve the character of public housing and ensure building quality and safety. This allowed developers to make capital accumulation through investment on land (Wang 2012, p. 373).
 
5
The MUP was replaced in Aug 2007 by the Home Improvement Programme (HIP) in response to public desire for a more targeted and flexible programme that focused on essential flat improvements.
 
6
Sindosi refers to new cities built in the Seoul Metropolitan Region over the past decades in order to address housing, social amenities and infrastructure shortages in Seoul.
 
7
With the introduction of the Special Act on Promotion of Urban Redevelopment in 2006, all New Towns were re-classified as Redevelopment Promotion Districts. This act, prepared by the national government, has effectively replaced the municipal Act for Supporting Balanced Development of Localities from 2003 as the legal framework, addressing management and improvement of deprived residential areas in Seoul. At the same time, the national act has introduced this new approach to other Korean cities beside Seoul (Kim 2010a; Kang 2012).
 
8
In 2009, the average housing unit price in New Towns has reportedly increased from 390 million KRW before to 540 million KRW after the urban redevelopment was completed (Kim 2010b).
 
9
In 1394 the King Taejo, the founder of the Joseon dynasty, which ruled Korea from 1392 to 1910, sought to establish the new royal capital on an ideal location in order to legitimise his rise on power by following the traditional principles of geomancy. According to one of oral traditions the king’s envoy found such an ideal place near the present-day Wangsimni. By divine intervention, however, the envoy was advised to look further for about 10-ri western (about 4 km) in order to find the location for the new royal capital, where the royal palace and present-day Seoul were later actually built. The initial location, supposedly found by the king’s envoy, became known as Wang-sib-ri, which in Korean means ‘go [for] ten ri’ (Clark and Clark 1969).
 
10
There were 663 establishments related to metal and machinery manufacturing out of 1494 establishments registered in Wangsimni 1-dong in 2004 (Seongdong-gu District Office 2006).
 
11
Kim (2010a) suggested that the local government might as well have other reasons to engage renowned architects for Wangsimni New Town. By engaging them as master planners the local government hoped to silence their criticism related to the new urban redevelopment approach.
 
12
In order to establish the preparation committee an agreement of half of all property owners was required. For approval of redevelopment association agreement of three quarters of property owners was required. These had to own half of the land, designated for urban redevelopment. Finally half of redevelopment association’s members have to agree with the implementation plan before the actual urban redevelopment could take place. Head of district office usually grants these approvals (Kim 2010a, p. 152).
 
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Metadata
Title
Singapore and Seoul as Neo-Developmental Cities
Authors
Cho Im Sik
Blaž Križnik
Copyright Year
2017
Publisher
Springer Singapore
Book
Community-Based Urban Development

Print ISBN: 978-981-10-1985-2

Electronic ISBN: 978-981-10-1987-6

Copyright Year: 2017

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1987-6_3