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2018 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

14. Some Societal Factors Impacting on the Potentialities of Electronic Evidence

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Abstract

Electronic evidence is an important area of innovation, and inasmuch is characterized by strong and profound social dynamics. These dynamics can generate both opportunities and risks (if not managed or poorly managed), in terms of the functioning of the institutions of justice, the proper administration of justice for citizens and their rights, the representation of justice in public opinion, and so on. The aim of this paper is to present a panorama of some initial theoretical and empirical insights on this issue, from a sociological point of view. Our research tried to identify the types of actors that play a role in electronic evidence and its presence in judicial systems, as well as the obstacles and facilitating factors for the introduction of electronic evidence in courts.

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Footnotes
1
Nowotny (2006) and Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff (1997).
 
2
The studies described in this paper were developed by LSC, represented by the writer, as part of the work package “Market Size” within the EVIDENCE project, in the years 2014–2015.
 
3
For an analytical discussion of these aspects, see: d’Andrea et al. (2005). See also: Bijker and d’Andrea (2009), Mezzana (2011).
 
4
Bijker (1995).
 
5
Bourdieu (1993), Kitschelt and Offe (1980), Renn (1992, pp. 179-196).
 
6
For this study, we used a theoretical and methodological approach to mapping based on the sociology of knowledge, used by LSC for many years in various areas. This includes, by way of example, the RESPECT project map on social costs linked to socio-technical surveillance systems (http://​respectproject.​eu; Colonnello (2014)), and the map underlying the Obstacles for Civil Society in Serbia, see: Mezzana (2008).
 
7
EVIDENCE (2014). In this report, for each typological area, and, possibly, for each type of actor, beside their definitions, general information, data, examples of the roles played in the electronic and evidence field were provided.
 
8
In general terms, agency can be defined as the orientation of actors towards changing or influencing dominant “structures”, i.e. societal patterns, which may be cognitive (values, beliefs, etc.), relational (models of behavior, procedures, etc.) or political-institutional (laws, power relations, areas of expertise, etc.). Purely by way of example, see Giddens (1984).
 
9
Our research showed that no specific studies have been undertaken on the sphere of justice (particularly criminal justice) in terms of an electronic evidence market. An effort was, therefore, made to provide, first, some statistical data as a first approach to the analysis of this issue. By way of example, in the 28 European Union countries there are a total of 1,019,684 lawyers and legal advisors, 81,879 professional judges and 35,330 technical judicial experts (analysis based on CEPEJ data); see: CEPEJ (2014).
 
10
For more details, see: Cannataci et al. (2016).
 
11
Bear in mind that only two of the 28 EU countries showed a decrease in computer facilities in 2012–2014 (Croatia and Cyprus); in most, it remained stable or even showed an increase (in about half the cases) (analysis based on CEPEJ data); see: CEPEJ (2014).
 
12
IndustryARC (2013).
 
13
D’Andrea and Quaranta (1996).
 
14
EVIDENCE (2015).
 
15
Representatives of law enforcement agencies were not consulted, as they were the main focus of other activities of the EVIDENCE project.
 
16
The maps produced as part of this work (especially as regards the obstacles and facilitating factors) also formed the basis for a discussion in the workshop held in Rome on 10–11 December 2015, organized by LSC within the framework of EVIDENCE project, and entitled “Obstacles and facilitating factors towards the digitalization of Justice: the specific issue of electronic evidence in criminal trials”. The workshop was attended by 36 people, representing organizations based in eight European countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Germany, Italy, Malta, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom) and some international bodies (INTERPOL, Eurojust, Council of Europe Cloud Evidence Group).
 
17
Insa (2006), CYBEX (2006), Boddington et al. (2008), Evidence (2013), and Mason (2013).
 
18
CYBEX (2006); Costabile and Attanasio (2012); UNODC (2013).
 
19
Digital forensics has yet to produce a defined, recognized and stable professionalism.
 
20
Caloyannides (2004); Boddington et al. (2008); Yuan (2011); Evidence (2013).
 
21
Being on an electronic medium, data can disappear easily.
 
22
Cohen (2010a); Kahvedzic (2013a); (Cohen et al., 2011, pp. 3–21).
 
23
Mason (2012); Cohen (2010b); UNODC (2013).
 
24
Cottim (2010); CYBEX (2006).
 
25
Often the media make a hasty, superficial and distorted use of litigation material, including electronic evidence such phone records or wire-tapping, the probative value of which the media are unaware or insufficiently informed.
 
26
UNODC (2013); ECOSOC-UN (2010); Cottim (2010).
 
27
Carrier and Spafford (2003); Piccini and Vaciago (2008); Cohen (2010a,b).
 
28
It means lack of digital forensic hardware and software, which also affects electronic evidence collection and management.
 
29
Allied Market Research (2014); Cohen (2010a,b); UNODC (2013).
 
30
Casey (2013); Adams (2012); Brezinski and Killalea (2002); Albert and Greenfield (2002); Mason (2013); Hickok (2014); Grundy (2004).
 
31
ITU (2013); UNODC (2013); Kahvedzic (2013b).
 
32
Private companies can play a significant role in the target area, especially in the development and dissemination of technological solutions in the field of cybercrime (e.g. against online pedophilia).
 
33
Pinch and Bijker (1990).
 
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Metadata
Title
Some Societal Factors Impacting on the Potentialities of Electronic Evidence
Author
Daniele Mezzana
Copyright Year
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74872-6_14