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Published in: Public Choice 3-4/2015

01-09-2015

Strategic behavior by federal agencies in the allocation of public resources

Authors: Stuart Kasdin, Luona Lin

Published in: Public Choice | Issue 3-4/2015

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Abstract

How do government agencies allocate program resources? Some authors presume that agencies seek to maximize program objectives; others suggest agencies favor the districts important to the president’s election. In addition, agencies may distribute larger program resources to those districts whose congressional representatives are best positioned to help the agency. We examined how federal government agencies responded both to the 2006 election, when control of Congress shifted from the Republican to the Democratic Party, and to the 2010 election, when the House switched from Democratic to Republican control. We used a difference-in-difference analysis to evaluate the impact of each election on the agencies’ allocations of contracts. Agencies generally responded to the elections by allocating more contract resources to districts represented by the winning party. However, federal agencies reacted differently to changing political environments, depending on the characteristics of the agency. For example, after the 2006 election, those agencies with programs favored by Republican members of Congress allocated more resources to Democratic districts. These “Republican agencies” presumably are the most vulnerable to the risk of losing future appropriations. “Democratic agencies” (and “neutral agencies”), facing no significant threats to their appropriations, did not respond to the election as strongly. Finally, more vulnerable districts received the most support, especially by the “Republican agencies.” We reaffirmed these results by using the 2010 congressional elections, in which the political orientations of the districts favored with more contract distributions was reversed.

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Appendix
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Footnotes
1
Snyder (1990) presented Congress as a simple market in which special interests offer campaign contributions to House candidates and in return receive political "favors.” The model rests on three variables: the total amount of investor contributions a candidate receives, the monetary value of the favors he/she has promised, and his or her probability of winning (Snyder 1990). Campaign contributors act as investors purchasing an asset (Snyder 1991).
 
2
We use the logarithm for the Partisan Identity Index to correct for the skew in the distribution of the ratio. The logarithm makes the score symmetrical, as the change in the initial ratio is asymmetrical between 0 and 1 and 1 and greater.
 
3
This result also offers a validity check on the PI ratio because we can tie one aspect of the PI ratio (neutral agencies) to an independent, external measure.
 
4
Nevertheless, even mandatory spending programs rely on appropriated funds to support the agency personnel salaries and expenses. Hence, no agencies can ignore completely the support of the appropriators.
 
5
A complete record will at least contain information about the contracting agency and the performance place (congressional districts) of the contract.
 
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Metadata
Title
Strategic behavior by federal agencies in the allocation of public resources
Authors
Stuart Kasdin
Luona Lin
Publication date
01-09-2015
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Public Choice / Issue 3-4/2015
Print ISSN: 0048-5829
Electronic ISSN: 1573-7101
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-015-0280-9

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