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2019 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

4. The Fragile State of Disaster Response: Understanding Aid-State-Society Relations in Post-conflict Settings

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Abstract

Natural hazards often strike in conflict-affected societies, where the devastation is further compounded by the fragility of these societies and a complex web of myriad actors. To respond to disasters, aid, state, and societal actors enter the humanitarian arena, where they manoeuvre in the socio-political space to renegotiate power relations and gain legitimacy to achieve their goals by utilising authoritative and material resources. Post-conflict settings such as Burundi present a challenge for disaster response as actors are confronted with an uncertain transition period and the need to balance roles and capacity.

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Footnotes
1
Disasters are “a serious disruption of the functioning of a community or a society involving widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses and impacts, which exceeds the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its own resources” (UNISDR 2007). Although socio-natural disasters, disaster and natural disasters are used interchangeably, they are all seen in their socio-political context.
 
2
EM-DAT (EM-DAT 2016) classifies hazards in different sub-groups; namely, geophysical, meteorological, hydrological, climatological, biological and extra-terrestrial. Examples of hazards are earthquakes (including tsunamis), volcanic activity, extreme temperatures, storms, floods, landslides, droughts, wildfires, epidemic etc.
 
3
The speed of onset can be either slow or rapid. While rapid onset disasters are seen as the result of a sudden event, OCHA (2011) defines slow onset disasters, such as droughts, as an emergency that develops from a combination of events over time. Also, some disasters such as floods are often the accumulation of several events. In theory, slow on-set disasters could be mitigated and prevented by early response, however, in practice, most responses to slow on-set disasters resemble those of rapid onset disasters, with large influx of aid, primarily food aid, and short-term solutions focusing on saving lives (OCHA 2011: 4).
 
4
Aid actors are those actors who have development and emergency assistance as their core mandate, such as various United Nations (UN) agencies, local, national, and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), regional inter-governmental organisations’ agencies responsible for humanitarian assistance, and donor agencies providing funding and coordination. State actors are formally part of state institutions, whether on a national, regional, district, or local level, including national government agencies in charge of crisis response. Society encompasses a vast array of groups and identities, such as civil society, media, the private sector, volunteers, traditional leaders, beneficiaries, citizens and individuals.
 
5
To minimise the selection bias of each individual search engine, the combination of these engines was used.
 
6
Nodes included 34 emergent categories of different challenges encountered, such as coordination, beneficiary selection, mistrust, differences in response, relations between actors, communication, accountability, etc.
 
7
The disaster management cycle is mostly focused on the disaster itself, as it includes measures taken before, during and after the disaster to “avoid a disaster, reduce its impact or recover from its losses” (Khan et al. 2008: 46). The pre-disaster stage includes activities for mitigation and preparedness, and the post-disaster stage starts with emergency response and moves into rehabilitation and reconstruction (Khan et al. 2008: 47). Although the cycle presupposes a linear timeline, in practice the phases overlap.
 
8
From 1996 to 2015, low income countries experienced five times more deaths per 100.000 inhabitants compared to high income countries, while high income countries feature on the top ten list for economic losses (UNISDR/CRED 2016).
 
9
Others have preferred the term post-war, which directly refers to a period after the end of a war, which makes it easier to define than ‘conflict’. As the ‘post’ discourse refers to an outcome of the preceding period, war also does not do justice to the complexity of the ‘post’ situation: war was not the only or primary defining factor, but already an outcome in itself. Also, a post-war period can be a pre-war period and it does not reflect the reality of having a history of multiple conflicts and wars, or a conflict with less than 1000 battle-related deaths annually. This chapter sees both the post-conflict and post-war terms as not truly reflecting the processes and state after peace agreements or other types of political settlement. As post-conflict is a policy term used by the humanitarian actors, this chapter will continue using it to facilitate understanding of the type of period one is referring to.
 
10
Some of the recommended actions are: disarmament, restoration of order, repatriation, capacity building of security personnel, monitoring elections, promoting human rights, reforming or strengthening governmental institutions and promoting formal and informal political participation (Boutros-Ghali 1992, para. 55).
 
11
However, liberal peace theorists have strongly critiqued statebuilding interventions focused on the construction of a liberal democratic state through strengthening markets and through promoting democracy, civil society, and the rule of law (Barnett et al. 2014; David 2001; Paris 2004; Chandler 2013).
 
12
As Reyntjes (2016: 358) notes, hybrid governance is not only applicable to fragile states settings, but is universally applicable.
 
13
Although peace agreements are types of political settlement, political settlements are also more than that. Here, the terms are used somewhat interchangeably to denote the political arrangement (either mediated or not) that defines the start of the post-conflict period. Peace agreements are usually mediated by external actors, either regional or international, and political settlements can also take the form of victory of one party over the others or a divided peace.
 
14
Although the methods and numbers Collier uses for his arguments have been critiqued (Suhrke/Samset 2007), his work does show the vulnerability of post-conflict countries to conflict.
 
15
Donors are important actors who often delineate humanitarian aid. They are increasingly seen to instrumentalise and politicise humanitarian aid and privilege agendas of stabilisation (ALNAP 2015: 13). Government donors channel most of their funds, two-thirds, to multilateral agencies, primarily UN agencies, with six UN agencies receiving 46 per cent of the total funds. Then INGOs 19 per cent, of which ICRC received almost two-thirds (GHA 2016: 66). Only 1.2 per cent is channelled directly to governments, with non OECD-DAC (The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – Development Assistance Committee) donors channelling 70 per cent of their funds to governments (GHA 2016: 73).
 
16
Although a distinction between aid, state and society is made, they are considered mutually constitutive and often problematic to identify as separate entities in practice. However, as DRR roles are generally different for aid agencies, states, and societal actors, this distinction is upheld to facilitate analyses of the processes within and relations between different groups of actors in the humanitarian arena.
 
17
While international humanitarian law is applicable to armed conflict and occupation, disaster response does not have an overarching legal framework. Instead, it relies on various multilateral treaties, resolutions, declarations, guidelines and bilateral agreements as instruments, known as “international disaster response laws, rules and principles” (IDRL) (ICRC 2007: 15). In practice, much depends on the individual state’s integration of disaster response in their national law, and their willingness and capacity to accommodate interventions after a disaster. In post-conflict countries, these policies cannot be seen separately from the Sustainable Development Goals. The Core Humanitarian Standard and the Sphere standard are recognised by humanitarian actors as standards to uphold and the Good Humanitarian Donorship principles and practices provide guidelines for donors to follow.
 
18
The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement was signed in 2000, while the CNDD-FDD signed a power sharing agreement in 2004 and Palipehutu-FNL signed a cease-fire in 2006.
 
19
Alert ranking in Fragile states index 2015 (FFP 2015).
 
20
Previously part of Bujumbura Rural, but became officially part of Rumonge after the creation of the latter province on 26 March 2015.
 
21
See at: http://​www.​iwacu-burundi.​org/​gitaza-le-president-nkurunziza-en-appelle-a-la-solidarite-nationale-pluies-torrentielles/​. The victims of the March floods were displaced in host families or lived in make-shift shelters, with limited support from the Ministry of Solidarity, local churches, political parties, the Burundi Red Cross and UN agencies. After the installation of IDP camps following the November floods, some victims from March were also included.
 
22
Author’s interview with International Humanitarian agency representative 3, 30 August 2016; this is also a view expressed by other actors in informal conversations in the same research period.
 
23
Author’s interview with local government representative 2, 22 August 2016.
 
24
Author’s interview with local actor 4, 25 August 2016, Focus Group with community actors 2, 29 August 2016.
 
25
Interview with local actor 4, 25 August 2016, interview with local government representative 2, 22 August 2016.
 
26
Author’s interview with Community actors 1, 25 August 2016, and Community actors 2, 29 August 2016.
 
27
Author’s interviews with Local actor 4, 25 August 2016, NNGO 2, 17 August 2016, community actors 1, 25 August 2016, community actors 2, 29 August 2016, UN representative 3, 30 August 2016.
 
28
Author’s interview with Local actor 4, 25 August 2016.
 
29
Author’s interview with Local actor 4, 25 August 2016.
 
30
Author’s interview with NNGO 2, 17 August 2016. Author’s interview with Local actor 5, Bujumbura, Burundi, 25 August 2016.
 
31
Author’s interview with NNGO 2, 17 August 2016, FGD with community 1, 25 August 2016, FGD with community 2, 28 August 2016, UN representative 2, 29 August 2016, UN representative 3, 30 August 2016, Local actor 4, 25 August 2016.
 
32
Author’s interview with Government representative 4, 18 August 2016.
 
33
Author’s interview with Community actors 1, 25 August 2016.
 
34
Author’s interview with IDP camp 2 and 3, 24 August 2016 and 26 August 2016.
 
35
Author’s interview with NNGO 2, 17 August 2016, FGD with community 1, 25 August 2016, FGD with community 2, 28 August 2016, UN representative 2, 29 August 2016, UN representative 3, 30 August 2016, Local actor 4, 25 August 2016.
 
36
Author’s interview with UN agency representative 2, 27 August 2016.
 
37
Author’s interview with Government representative 3, 18 August 2016, and interview with Humanitarian agency representative 1, 17 August 2016.
 
38
Author’s interview with National Humanitarian agency representative 1, 17 August 2016.
 
39
Author’s interview with Humanitarian actor 1, 17 August 2016.
 
40
Author’s interview with government representative 1 on 17 August 2016, and with government representative 3 on 18 August 2016.
 
41
Author’s interview with UN agency representative 3 on 30 August 2016.
 
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Metadata
Title
The Fragile State of Disaster Response: Understanding Aid-State-Society Relations in Post-conflict Settings
Author
Samantha Melis
Copyright Year
2019
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97562-7_4