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Published in: Qualitative Sociology 2/2020

01-02-2020

Trumpism on College Campuses

Authors: Jeffrey L. Kidder, Amy J. Binder

Published in: Qualitative Sociology | Issue 2/2020

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Abstract

In this paper, we report data from interviews with members of conservative political clubs at four flagship public universities. First, we categorize these students into three analytically distinct orientations regarding Donald Trump and his presidency (or what we call Trumpism). There are principled rejecters, true believers, and satisficed partisans. We argue that Trumpism is a disunifying symbol in our respondents’ self-narratives. Specifically, right-leaning collegians use Trumpism to draw distinctions over the appropriate meaning of conservatism. Second, we show how political clubs sort and shape orientations to Trumpism. As such, our work reveals how student-led groups can play a significant role in making different political discourses available on campuses and shaping the types of activism pursued by club members—both of which have potentially serious implications for the content and character of American democracy moving forward.

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Footnotes
1
To quote Tabachnick (2016), “Obviously, Trumpism is linked to the person Donald Trump, but its roots run much deeper, intertwining contemporary and traditional political trends in such a way that makes it both uniquely American and of the twenty-first century […].” Its characteristics include “distillations of much more complicated phenomena” that can be summarized as a mix of celebrity, nativism, outsider status, and populism. We use the term “Trumpism” in this paper to capture respondents’ views on Trump as a person, as well as his administration overall, including the federal appointments that have taken place under his watch, his style of governance, policy positions, and so on.
 
2
Only one interviewee explicitly linked his support of Trumpism to white aggrievement. This respondent blamed immigration for the economic downturn in his hometown and lamented what he believed were the much higher standards applied to white applicants of his university. However, his responses are the exception that prove the rule in how Trump supporters framed their political viewpoints in our interviews.
 
3
Our full project (N = 113) also includes representatives from off-campus political organizations, as well as administrators, faculty, and staff at our selected schools.
 
4
There is no single libertarian organization that stands out in our data. Instead, we found a mix of sponsored chapters and locally independent clubs across our field sites. At the national level, Young Americans for Liberty claims to be the largest libertarian organization mobilizing college students. However, at the University of Virginia, Students for Individual Liberty was the premier libertarian group. They received support from Students for Liberty, a different national libertarian organization. Conversely, at the University of Arizona, we talked with students associated with Strive—an organization promoting the objectivist philosophy of Ayn Rand. Rand was not a libertarian, but her ideas have greatly impacted libertarianism. And the Strive members we interviewed self-identified as libertarians. Despite the students in our sample being affiliated with different organizations, they described their relationship to politics in very similar ways. As such, we have lumped the libertarian groups together for this analysis.
 
5
With the exception of two students who were on American Enterprise Institute’s Executive Council for their respective universities, the right-leaning students removed from this paper’s analysis did not share membership in similar conservative clubs. Three were unaffiliated with a campus-based political club, two were part of separate transpartisan dialogue groups, and one was a member of Christians United for Israel.
 
6
For example, at a University of Virginia CR meeting we attended, of the approximately 25 students present, six were women and three were non-white (based on phenotype). At the same time, our interviews with progressive college students in the larger project (while diverse in gender) also skews white (although, not as strongly). Much of this racial over- and under-representation results from the predominance of whites at our four field sites.
 
7
It is worth noting here that unlike the sorting that happens in school admissions, in which students are either filtered in or filtered out, the sieve of political clubs allows movement in both directions. Students can be sorted in and then sort themselves out as they join other groups better aligned with their interests and dispositions.
 
8
Since we gathered our data, TPUSA has occasionally come under attack from individuals and groups further to the right (e.g., see Coaston 2019). At our field sites, at the time we conducted our interviews, though, TPUSA was considered the group on campus willing to stake out extreme positions and take risks in promoting them.
 
9
Politically engaged, right-leaning students are often members of multiple conservative clubs. As a CR, Sandra, told us, “I would say a majority of conservatives on [campus] are members of CRs and they might additionally be members of groups like [Young Americans for Freedom] or Turning Point, but I think we are still, as of right now, anyway, the primary voice for conservatives [in college].” For the analysis offered in this paper, we focus only on what we determined to be students’ primary affiliation, which we base on interviewees’ descriptions of their personal involvements with their various clubs (e.g., holding an official position with a group or discussions of social ties, time investment, etc.).
 
10
Ronald Reagan has been beatified among younger Republicans, and campaign shirts from the 1984 election have become conservative chic in recent years. In telling us this, Ernest is positioning his former self as a typical Republican, not a true (free-thinking) libertarian.
 
11
Libertarian students’ withdrawal from electoral politics is not necessarily the position of the national organizations that help sponsor their groups on campuses. YAL, for example, supports a highly orchestrated student mobilization effort to help chosen candidates in local and state races (known as Operation Win at the Door). However, campaigning (especially for traditional Republican politicians) was not a key interest among the libertarians in our sample. If anything, participation in these groups appears to promote an intellectual cynicism toward electoral politics.
 
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Metadata
Title
Trumpism on College Campuses
Authors
Jeffrey L. Kidder
Amy J. Binder
Publication date
01-02-2020
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Qualitative Sociology / Issue 2/2020
Print ISSN: 0162-0436
Electronic ISSN: 1573-7837
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11133-020-09446-z

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