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2019 | Book

Will Brexit Damage our Security and Defence?

The Impact on the UK and EU

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About this book

This Palgrave Policy Essential considers the security and defence consequences of Brexit for the UK and the European Union. It considers the place of security and defence in the debates leading up to the Brexit referendum as well as in its follow-up. Importantly, the book also traces recent developments in the EU towards what may become a European Defence Union and, in light of this, considers how realistic the UK’s aspirations for a unique relationship with the Union are. The book includes a critical analysis of the consequences of Brexit for crisis management, internal security and defence industries in the UK and EU. It concludes with an examination of the options and legal tools available to both parties as they frame their post-Brexit security and defence relations.

Table of Contents

Frontmatter
Chapter 1. The Role of Security and Defence Before and After the June 2016 Referendum
Abstract
Security and defence did not play a primary role in the debates leading up to the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016. Yet, they were far from irrelevant and arguments surrounding security and defence were employed by both remain and leave camps. Following the referendum the dawning realisation of what Brexit might mean for the UK and the EU added further salience to the security and defence aspects. The delivery of the UK’s withdrawal letter in March 2017 opened the question of the extent to which the various components of the ensuing negotiations, including the security dimensions, should be linked. The UK government presented a position paper on security and defence in September 2017 where it made a call for a deep and special relationship with the EU unlike that with any other third party. This demand, however, stands in contrast to the pre-referendum lack of importance of the EU to the UK’s global outlook and its strategic interests belied by its record of involvement in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). For the EU’s members, the results of the referendum met with expressions of regret, but it also represented the potential for reinvigorated cooperation between the members at the European level. This was, in part, due to the prospective withdrawal of the UK from the EU.
Simon Duke
Chapter 2. The Pre- and Post-Brexit Evolution of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy
Abstract
The second half of 2016 saw several initiatives by the EU in security and defence. These were based on the June 2016 adoption by the EU of a Global Strategy, in which security and defence were to the fore. The background to the 2016 initiatives cannot be laid at the doorstep of Brexit, but more as a result of a series of changes in global security and, more specifically, to the Union’s east and south. Nevertheless, the confluence of doubts about the reliability of U.S. security guarantees, the annexation of Crimea by Russia and its subsequent meddling in east Ukraine, alongside the emergence of IS to the south, sharpened the political rationale for cooperation at the European level on security and defence. The UK’s historical role in this regard had been instrumental, but occasionally obstructive. The prospect of the removal of the British foot from the brake has accelerated the pace of planning at the European political level to work towards an eventual European Defence Union. There are many challenges, not the least of them being the translation of grand political ambitions into political will and actual capabilities, but the conceptual gulf that has opened between the EU capitals and London is nevertheless appreciable.
Simon Duke
Chapter 3. Brexit, Defence Expenditure and Defence Industries
Abstract
The macroeconomic impact of Brexit on the UK is the subject of vigorous debate, including the potential ramifications for security and defence. One aspect that has gathered only scant attention is the impact of Brexit upon defence industries. In general terms, the overall impact will depend upon what trade and customs arrangements for goods are eventually negotiated between the UK and the EU. More specifically, the UK is a major arms exporter whose main markets are beyond the EU and it could be argued prima facie that Brexit will have a relatively minor impact on this segment of the UK’s manufacturing. This would, however, be mistaken since key defence industries, most notably the aerospace industries, rely heavily on access to research and development funding, overseas expertise and, more often than not, they are part of multinational industries. The potential exclusion of the UK from EU defence research funding as well as from potential partnerships may well harm this critical sector of the UK’s economy. A more major concern remains the UK’s heavy exposure to U.S. contracts and further fluctuations in exchange rates, alongside the possible need for European industrial partners based in the UK to relocate or for UK companies to move to the EU, or at least to co-locate.
Simon Duke
Chapter 4. National Security and Brexit
Abstract
Many of the debates surrounding Brexit, security and defence are couched in terms of the EU’s implicit need for British expertise and capabilities. When it comes to national security considerations, the tables are at least partially turned. As an EU member the UK enjoys access to a number of vital databases for counterterrorism and organised crime and it also contributes to them. It is also a member of the EU police agency, Europol. Although there has been dispute about the exact value of this access to the UK, the emerging consensus is that it is of considerable importance to the UK's post-Brexit security, as are a number of bilateral treaties that address the specifics of borders (like those with Northern Ireland, Gibraltar and Calais). Brexit will imply that the UK will have to negotiate some form of associate status with the relevant agencies and, for access to critical databases, it may well have to accept EU date protection and privacy standards, alongside the relevant jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. Negotiations can only commence once the UK formally leaves the EU, but they will be complicated and may require considerable concessions from the UK which may be contentious for domestic politics.
Simon Duke
Chapter 5. Moving Beyond Brexit: Scenarios for the Future
Abstract
Brexit is often looked at in terms of how it will impact British interests but without apparently acknowledging that it is the UK, not the EU, that is the demandeur in these negotiations. This chapter therefore presents five possible benchmarks against which the UK’s demand for a unique relationship with the EU in security and defence might be measured against. It concludes by observing that the UK is important to the EU’s security and defence, but not as important as it thinks. It also observes that the UK needs the EU for aspects of its own security and it is not therefore a matter of only considering British interests but also of appealing to the security interests of the EU and its members as well. Finally, the idea that the UK can exert more influence through NATO, as a quasi-proxy for any influence it may lose via the EU on security and defence matters, is flawed. The UK is likely to lose influence in both the EU and NATO. A bespoke relationship with the EU does not mean an agreement that will privilege the UK beyond any other non-EU partners. It is in the interests of both parties to find an equitable agreement since it is not in the interests of the EU to have an enfeebled and introverted UK on its doorstep. Nor, by the same token, is it in the interests of the UK to obstruct closer security and defence cooperation at the European level.
Simon Duke
Correction to: Will Brexit Damage our Security and Defence?
Simon Duke
Backmatter
Metadata
Title
Will Brexit Damage our Security and Defence?
Author
Dr. Simon Duke
Copyright Year
2019
Electronic ISBN
978-3-319-96107-1
Print ISBN
978-3-319-96106-4
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96107-1

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