To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to investigate the degree of overlap between subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress. In previous studies, scholars have implicitly assumed a full (e.g., Shim et al.,
2010) or a partial (e.g., Aubrey et al.,
2022) overlap between the two constructs, while others have suggested that they are two distinct phenomena, i.e., absence of overlap (e.g., Brüggen et al.,
2017). However, no previous studies have investigated the relationship between these two constructs with the aim of understanding whether and how much they are overlapped. To collect evidence regarding that issue, we conducted an intensive longitudinal study collecting data for 14 consecutive days about daily financial well-being and daily financial stress. Findings of this study offered important insight into the relationship between financial well-being and financial stress as well as the dynamics of change of these constructs on a daily level.
5.1 Financial Well-Being and Financial Stress are not the Same Construct
Within a dynamic structural equation model framework, there are three ways to infer how strongly two constructs are overlap. The first two consist of evaluating whether the two constructs present high associations at both the within-subjects and between-subjects levels, respectively; the third one is to evaluate whether the two constructs are similarly affected by the same predictors. In both cases, evidence we collected in the current study suggests that subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress are not the same construct (i.e., absence of overlap between the two constructs).
First, at the within-level the two constructs were slightly and negatively associated when assessed on the same day, but the effect size of this relation was small (i.e., < 0.30). This indicates that the fluctuations of the two constructs over several days were only weakly overlapping; in other words, experiencing an increase or a decrease in ones’ average perception of financial well-being on a specific day has only a marginal effect on the subjective perception of financial stress within the same day and vice versa. Thus, daily subjective financial well-being and daily subjective financial stress can be considered to be unique constructs that change over time independently. This weak concurrent association is the first clue that subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress are not the same construct.
Second, we found that at the between-level, subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress had a moderate association, indicating that people reporting a higher average level of subjective financial well-being tended to also report a lower average level of subjective financial stress across the 14 days. This is a second clue that the two constructs do not overlap; indeed, the strength of the relationship is moderate (r < 0.50) and not strong as expected if the two measures were assessing the same construct.
Finally, in order to evaluate the degree of overlap between subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress, we evaluated whether they were affected by the same predictor in a similar way. While at the between-subjects level we did not find any difference between subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress, at the within-level those two constructs were differently predicted by objective financial well-being. In particular, at the between level we found that both objective financial well-being and objective financial stress were not associated with the subjective side of both constructs. In other words, individuals who received earnings above their average more often than others (i.e., their objective financial well-being was better on those days) or who exceeded their financial means more often than others (i.e., their objective financial stress was greater on those days) did not report average levels of daily subjective financial well-being and stress significantly different from others.
Instead, at the within level, while daily objective financial stress (i.e., having had an extraordinary expense) led to a decrease in subjective financial well-being and an increase in subjective financial stress, daily objective financial well-being (i.e., having had extraordinary earnings) only affected the daily perception of subjective financial well-being (that increased), but did not result in any change in the subjective perception of financial stress. The different impact that objective financial well-being had on subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress, respectively, is a third piece of evidence suggesting that subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress do not coincide.
Taken together, these findings suggest that the constructs of subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress does not coincide and actually have two different levels of functioning. Indeed, subjective financial well-being is strongly rooted in the situational context, as its change at the daily level is directly activated by extraordinary earnings or expenses. Conversely, subjective financial stress is more related to individuals’ perception of being in a risky financial situation. Thus, any extraordinary expense acts a trigger, while a single day of above-average earnings is not enough to change their perception of their financial circumstances. Other evidence consistent with this is Kramer et al. (
2019), who investigated a group of low-income US citizens and found that receiving economic support from the government only reduced perceived financial stress when citizens received money in four payments spread throughout the year and not when they received the same amount of money in a lump-sum payment. In other words, a payment only reduced the perception of financial stress when the individual did not perceive that earning as a random event, but as something that will systematically happen again. The evidence that the perceptions of financial well-being and financial stress have different predictors corroborates that they are different phenomena.
Furthermore, the different effects that objective financial well-being and objective financial stress had on individual subjective perceptions confirms what the economic literature generally refers to as “negativity bias” (Baumeister et al.,
2021). As reported by the Nobel-prize winner Daniel Kahneman, “the aggravation that one experiences in losing a sum of money [objective financial stress] appears to be greater than the pleasure associated with gaining the same amount [objective financial well-being]” (Kahneman & Tversky,
1979; p. 279). In other words, we found that daily objective financial stress, unlike daily objective financial well-being, can affect both subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress because, due to the negativity bias, economic losses affect individuals’ perception more than economic earnings do.
5.2 Financial Well-Being and Financial Stress at Daily Level
Although the focus of the paper was on investigating the degree of overlap between subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress, the DSEM model here estimated offered thoughtful insights regarding the individual functioning of the two constructs which we believe are worthy of interpretation and discussion.
First, this study suggests that both subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress present relevant changes from one day to another, as indicated by auto-regressive effects with an effect size smaller than what has been found for other constructs assessed at the daily level, such as positive and negative affect (Hamaker et al.,
2018). In other words, the level of subjective financial well-being and stress reported by emerging adults in our sample was weakly affected by the level they reported the previous day (stability). These findings suggest that subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress are situational constructs that consistently fluctuate from one day to another, thus confirming the importance of studying daily subjective financial well-being and daily subjective financial stress (Sorgente et al.,
2022), and looking for sources of variation of subjective financial well-being and stress at the daily level.
Interestingly, at the within-level we also found that subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress were not significantly associated when assessed on two consecutive days (i.e., cross-lagged effects). In other words, any association between the two constructs assessed on two consecutive days was not significant.
Finally, thanks to the DSEM framework, we have been able to examine the between-person variability of the dynamic effects. Findings revealed that there were significant differences among emerging adults in our sample, both in daily subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress, and in the stability and mutual influence of the two constructs. The only source of between-person variation we took into consideration in the current study was objective financial well-being and objective financial stress. Future studies should further investigate the sources of such between-person variability by exploring other individual factors (e.g., financial literacy, intolerance of uncertainty, personality traits), or contextual conditions (e.g., family of origin financial stability, being in a stable romantic relationship) that could explain different activations of daily subjective financial well-being and daily subjective financial stress.
Taken together, results from this study highlight the importance of investigating financial well-being and subjective financial stress intensively in a situational context, as these constructs have relevant fluctuations across measurement occasions and can be influenced by external factors, but they also highlight the importance of recognizing the complexity of such constructs and their functioning.
5.3 Limitations and Future Studies
We believe the current study has three methodological aspects that need to be considered and that can be improved in future studies: variable assessment, time frame, and participants. The first limitation consists of the way in which the variables under investigation (subjective financial well-being, subjective financial stress, objective financial well-being, objective financial stress) were measured. In particular, for each of these variables we had to adapt items from previous studies, as validated measurement scales adoptable in intensive designs were not available. The limitation of such an approach to measurement is that we used just one item to measure each construct. Recent guidelines suggest adopting multi-item scales in intensive longitudinal studies as well to assess the reliability of scores (Mielniczuk,
2023).
The second methodological consideration is the time frame we adopted. We assessed financial well-being and stress on a daily basis (every 24 h) because this is what most of the previous studies on this topic have done (for a review see Sorgente et al.,
2022). Results demonstrated the adequacy of this design, by detecting significant fluctuations of the two constructs from one day to another. However, we believe future studies should investigate the relationship between financial well-being and stress using an event-contingent design instead of an interval-contingent design (Bolger & Laurenceau,
2013). In other words, instead of asking participants to fill the questionnaire every twenty-four hours (i.e., an interval-contingent design), researchers could ask participants to fill out the questionnaire each time they have an earning or an expense (i.e., event-contingent design). Likely we could find a stronger relationship between the objective and the subjective side of the construct if the perception (i.e., subjective) is self-reported right after the earning/expense event (i.e., objective).
Finally, findings from the current study are based on a sample of emerging adults. Despite our decision is justified by previous studies (e.g., Salignac et al.,
2020; Sorgente and Lanz,
2019; Wilmarth,
2021) which have stressed the importance of studying financial well-being and financial stress on samples homogeneous for age, results should not be generalized to other ages. Furthermore, our findings revealed a quite consistent heterogeneity in the financial perceptions of emerging adults; therefore, future studies should investigate which individual financial-related variables can explain differences in the average levels of subjective financial well-being and stress but also in the instability of the constructs over time.
These limitations together with the exploratory purpose of the current study make our findings just the first step towards the comprehension of the relationship between subjective financial well-being and subjective financial stress. Future studies should replicate this intensive longitudinal study adopting validated instruments, an event-contingent design, and testing the dynamic model across different stages of life.