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Published in: Studies in Comparative International Development 4/2017

22-12-2016

Betting on a Princeling

Author: Yuhua Wang

Published in: Studies in Comparative International Development | Issue 4/2017

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Abstract

While previous studies on political connections have empirically estimated the effects of connections on firm value, we still know relatively little about how political connections are formed, or about how the formation of political connections affects the way politicians influence firms. I address these two questions by examining recent cases in China in which two powerful politicians—Bo Xilai and Chen Liangyu—were removed from office. I show that Bo’s removal only affected nationally connected firms, while Chen’s fall only affected locally connected firms. I argue that this difference should be explained by their different career paths: Bo was a national politician, whereas Chen spent his whole career in local government. There is strong evidence that firms were betting on Bo and hence lost market value after his fall. These findings have important implications for our understanding of state-business relations in developing countries.

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Appendix
Available only for authorised users
Footnotes
1
The extent to which this practice is legitimate varies across countries. For an analysis, please see Faccio (2006).
 
2
Some other studies use more sophisticated methods, such as matching or regression discontinuity design, to estimate the value of connections. Please see Eggers and Hainmueller (2009) and Truex (2014).
 
3
For a more detailed discussion of this strategy, please see Khwaja and Mian (2011), and for an application of such a strategy, please see Fisman (2001).
 
4
 
5
It is important to note that this information is publicly available on the Internet as well, so stock market investors have the same information.
 
6
Every board member was double coded by a group of research assistants and me. Section 1.1 in the web appendix shows examples of board members’ biographies.
 
7
In 1994, the Chinese government centralized the tax-collecting power from the provinces to the center.
 
8
The Civil Servant Law of China stipulates, “Where a civil servant resigns his post or retires, he shall not take any post in an enterprise or any other profit-making organization, which is directly related to his original post, or shall not engage in any profit-making activity directly related to his original work within three years after he leaves his post, if he is a leader before resignation. For any other civil servant, the time limit is two years.” However, this law is rarely enforced. For the law, please see http://​alturl.​com/​swa2e (Accessed September 17, 2013). And for a discussion of its enforcement, please see http://​alturl.​com/​th8qv (Accessed September 17, 2013).
 
9
The probability that a civil servant in China will reach the ministerial level is estimated to be 0.04 %. Please see http://​alturl.​com/​cwnhs (Accessed August 1, 2013).
 
10
According to official reports, the yearly salary of Yu Zhengsheng–then the party secretary of Shanghai and a Politburo member–was 132,000 yuan ($20,000), compared to Wang Shi’s–Chairman of China Vanke, a real estate company–which was 15.6 million yuan ($2.5 million). For Yu’s salary, please see http://​alturl.​com/​wwu68 (Accessed August 1, 2013). For Wang’s salary, please see http://​alturl.​com/​tgw2q (Accessed August 1, 2013). Certainly, these comparisons should be taken with a grain of salt due to the other sources of income for government employees such as graft, health care, pension, housing, and other government-subsidized services.
 
11
For my code book, please see Section 1.2 in the web appendix.
 
12
For lists of firms and their connectedness, please see Tables 1 and 2 in the web appendix.
 
13
The difference is similar to how Shleifer and Vishny (1993, 604–611) distinguished between a “centralized monopolist” and “independent monopolists.”
 
14
Please see http://​alturl.​com/​wusdk (Accessed August 6, 2013).
 
15
http://​alturl.​com/​o25sr (Accessed August 8, 2013).
 
16
The word “princeling” refers to the descendants of prominent and influential senior communist officials in the People’s Republic of China.
 
17
Please see http://​alturl.​com/​w7h8u (Accessed August 7, 2013) for more information about the scandal.
 
18
http://​alturl.​com/​nrz3w (Accessed August 7, 2013).
 
19
http://​alturl.​com/​codwe (Accessed August 8, 2013).
 
20
For the whole timeline, please see http://​alturl.​com/​p3g48 (Accessed August 8, 2013).
 
21
I include the 2 days prior to the event in order to address the possibility of an information leak, which is standard practice in event studies. For a discussion, please see MacKinlay (1997).
 
22
The daily return data are from the China Securities Market and Accounting Research (CSMAR).
 
23
Selection bias is a lesser concern because my sample companies constitute the vast majority of all Shanghai-listed firms (133) and all Chongqing-listed firms (35).
 
24
The procedure and simple t tests are presented in Section 3 in the web appendix.
 
25
I also estimated a “fully loaded” model that includes all the connection variables, but because of a low degree of freedom (N = 27, # of variables = 11), none of the connection variables is significant.
 
26
I did not show the results of firms connected to the CCP Congress because there are so few cases. Results are available upon request.
 
27
The null results of these other connections might be due to two reasons. First, according to my theoretical expectations, parliament and military connections are robust to leadership changes. Second, the null results might be caused by the low degree of freedom, because few firms were connected to parliament or the PLA. I argue that the null results are more likely to be due to substantive, rather than statistical, explanations, because with only seven firms connected to the national government in Chongqing, the variable NATIONAL GOVERNMENT is still significant; the low degree of freedom of these other connection variables should not prevent them from being significant if they are substantively important.
 
28
The share data are from CSMAR.
 
29
Tables 21 and 22 in the web appendix present the results.
 
30
http://​alturl.​com/​tedj4 (Accessed August 8, 2013).
 
31
For more details about these two variables, please see Tables 5 and 6 in the web appendix.
 
32
For more information about these panel datasets, please see Tables 7 and 8 in the web appendix.
 
33
The higher percentage of nationally connected firms in Shanghai is not because Shanghai had more SOEs: in 2012, only 3 % of Shanghai firms were SOEs, compared to 19 % of Chongqing firms.
 
34
The leaders of Chongqing before Bo had no major central government experience.
 
35
This rules out the possibility that Chongqing’s outcome was caused by the national “go west” policy to promote development in the western provinces.
 
36
For the panel data on Sichuan firms, please see Table 9 in the web appendix.
 
37
For more information about the case, please see http://​alturl.​com/​z2p4h (Accessed September 12, 2012), and for the Jiang-Bo connection, please see http://​alturl.​com/​ooz9c (Accessed September 12, 2012).
 
38
Table 10 in the web appendix presents the positions of former bureaucrats in affected Chongqing firms.
 
39
Many observers believed so. Please see http://​alturl.​com/​re8pi (Accessed September 12, 2012).
 
40
I appreciate that these categories are rather crude and might miss some of the nuances of services an official can offer a firm, but a more disaggregated categorization would decrease the degree of freedom for each variable and undermine its statistical power.
 
41
In a recent study, Ang and Jia (2014) showed that politically connected firms are more likely to go to court when having a dispute.
 
42
It is sometimes difficult to differentiate Licenser from Regulator, because some government organizations, such as the National Development and Reform Commission, can both regulate and license. Here, I define Licenser as a government function that issues permits for new businesses, which is exclusive to the industry and commerce administration.
 
43
For the positions of former bureaucrats in each firm, please see Tables 11 and 12 in the web appendix.
 
44
Again, there is a trade-off between statistical significance and power because of the small number of cases in some of the categories. However, the fact that firms were not interested in hiring licensers and labor officials itself reveals the less important role these positions can play.
 
45
The results are presented in Tables 17 and 18 in the web appendix.
 
46
Table 19 in the web appendix presents the results.
 
47
I searched national media websites, including xinhuanet.​com, china.​com.​cn, and sina.​com.​cn, and I searched shanghaidaily.​com for Shanghai local news and cqnews.​net for Chongqing local news.
 
48
http://​alturl.​com/​tzxab (Accessed August 7, 2013).
 
49
Table 20 in the web appendix presents the results.
 
50
Many believed that Wang, a liberal who encouraged the development of the private sector and foreign investment, represented a different ideology among Chinese elites than the conservative Bo. Wang was also Bo’s predecessor as party boss of Chongqing. Both were promising candidates for the Politburo Standing Committee at the party’s 18th Congress before Bo’s purge. Please see http://​alturl.​com/​5miyw (Accessed July 8, 2014).
 
51
Table 23 in the web appendix presents the results.
 
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Metadata
Title
Betting on a Princeling
Author
Yuhua Wang
Publication date
22-12-2016
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Studies in Comparative International Development / Issue 4/2017
Print ISSN: 0039-3606
Electronic ISSN: 1936-6167
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-016-9232-8

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