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Published in:
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2016 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

6. Christchurch: Going Grassroots

Author : Alexandra Jayeun Lee

Published in: Resilience by Design

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Historically, the architectural profession rose out of the impulse to distinguish the learned master craftsman from ordinary builders, reserving their skills for the exclusive use by the elite, design patrons. Put differently, the profession of architecture exists due to the culture of patronage. However, the definition of patronage and what is considered elite are both challenged in disaster contexts. The scope of recovery expands architectural patrons to include entire communities, and elitism is subject to debate depending on where the power of decision-making lies. We have already seen in the previous two chapters how architects have adapted to an increasingly complex reality of urban disasters.

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previous chapter Katrina: Collective Resistance
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Footnotes
1
Potangaroa added that “(most) of us have dealt with the rural problem in the sense that it does follow the phases: the emergency response, the recovery, reconstruction …but in the urban what we’re finding is that all phases happen at once. Because you get different levels of those that are affected in the urban scale what you get is, you get both the emergency response where you’re trying to dig people out and save them. At the same time you’re trying to do recovery. At the same time you’re doing reconstruction.” (Potangaroa, R., NZ Structural Engineer, March 13, 2012, personal communication).
 
2
The colored tagging system was first introduced in San Francisco following the Loma Prieta earthquake of 1989 shortly after the document, “Procedures for Postearthquake Safety Evaluation of Buildings” (ATC-20) was used for rapid assessment of buildings damaged in earthquakes (Cocke and Bonneville 1992). The implementation of tagging was inconsistent due to varying standards of assessment used by structural engineers, Urban Search and Rescuers, and building inspectors, according to Potangaroa (personal communication, 2012).
 
3
The national state of emergency suspended “business as usual” from February 23 until April 30, 2011, until CERA took over the disaster management role from CDEM (Radio New Zealand 2011).
 
4
But Newell’s observation overlooks two factors that potentially explains this coincidence: one is that the Māori and Pacific Island (including Samoan) population has a much younger age structure than the total population due to higher Māori birth rates and larger family sizes. By 2016, Māori ethnicity is projected to have a median age of 24.9, while for the total population it is 39.9 years (CCC 2005). The second factor, which is related to the younger age structure of the Māori population, is that they are more mobile and transient than the Christchurch population, as a result of lesser housing affordability and job insecurity (CCC 2003).
 
5
Indeed, the Christchurch City Council had come under public scrutiny for spending $17 m to bail out a local developer Dave Henderson in 2008, and subsequently for prioritizing business interests in post-earthquake redevelopment plans via strategic anchor projects (Bennet et al. 2014).
 
6
Christchurch was New Zealand’s only city to feature in Lonely Planet’s top 10 cities to visit in 2012.
 
7
In the latter stages of Christchurch’s recovery, CERA ensured that the historic narratives of Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu, the local Māori iwi, to be an integral part of Christchurch’s future blueprint (CCDU 2012).
 
8
Translates to ‘people of the land’ in Māori, used in contemporary times to refer to New Zealanders.
 
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Metadata
Title
Christchurch: Going Grassroots
Author
Alexandra Jayeun Lee
Copyright Year
2016
Book
Resilience by Design

Print ISBN: 978-3-319-30639-1

Electronic ISBN: 978-3-319-30641-4

Copyright Year: 2016

DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-30641-4_6