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2018 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

6. Indian Ocean Maritime Security Cooperative Arrangements

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Abstract

A key consideration for treating maritime security risks in the Indian Ocean region (IOR) is the efficacy of regional security architectures: regimes, arrangements, entities and stakeholder relationships. The state of regionalism and security governance arrangements in the IOR is contrasted with the western Pacific region. Arrangements in the IOR, which include the Indian Ocean Rim Association and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, are at a relatively nascent stage of development. This presents challenges for regional security cooperation and collective action; it also offers opportunities for devising innovative approaches to addressing regional maritime security risks. Prospects for improving Indian Ocean regional governance arrangements are explored and the implications of enhancing regional maritime security to treat risks and reduce vulnerabilities are assessed.

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Footnotes
1
During the post-colonial era and until the Second World War, the IOR was predominantly a “British Lake” (Panikkar 1944, 1; 1945; Alpers 2014, 97–99); primarily, colonial forces provided maritime security in the Indian Ocean.
 
2
ASEAN was established on 8 August 1967. Its stated aims are to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development, and promote regional peace and stability through the rule of law and adherence to the principles of the UN Charter. The ASEAN Charter, which entered into force on 15 December 2008, provides a legal and institutional framework to support ASEAN’s objectives, including regional integration. ASEAN comprises ten countries: Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. ASEAN has ten dialogue partners: Australia, Canada, China, the European Union, India, Japan, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States.
 
3
These include the ANZUS Treaty between the United States, Australia and New Zealand; Philippine Treaty; Japan Treaty; and Republic of Korea Treaty. Notably, on 4 September 2014, the Southeast Asia Treaty between the United States, Australia, France, New Zealand, the Philippines, Thailand and the United Kingdom still appeared on the US State Department website despite being disbanded in 1977; see http://​www.​state.​gov/​s/​l/​treaty/​collectivedefens​e/​ and https://​history.​state.​gov/​milestones/​1953-1960/​seato
 
4
The EAS is a regional leaders’ forum for strategic dialogue and cooperation on key challenges facing the East Asian region. EAS members are the ASEAN countries plus Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea (RoK), the United States and Russia.
 
5
ARF was established in 1994. It comprises 27 countries: the ten ASEAN member states, the ten ASEAN dialogue partners, one ASEAN observer (Papua New Guinea), as well as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Mongolia, Pakistan, Timor-Leste, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. ARF is a key forum for security dialogue in Asia.
 
6
ADMM+8 comprise the ten ASEAN states plus China, Japan, the RoK, India, Australia, New Zealand, Russia and the United States. It commenced in 2010.
 
7
The Shangri-La Dialogue is an informal forum initiated and hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). According to the IISS website (https://​www.​iiss.​org/​), the first meeting was held “in 2002 in response to the clear need for a forum where the Asia-Pacific’s defence ministers could engage in dialogue aimed at building confidence and fostering practical security cooperation”.
 
8
The first EAMF was convened in response to the EAS in November 2011, which encouraged a “dialogue involving EAS participating countries to utilize opportunities and address common challenges on maritime issues building upon the existing ASEAN Maritime Forum (AMF)”. Governmental and non-governmental delegates from EAS countries and the ASEAN Secretariat attended. The first meeting, in Manila, October 2012, focused on the ongoing relevance of UNCLOS, maritime connectivity and capacity building, infrastructure and equipment, seafarers’ training, protecting the marine environment, promoting ecotourism and fishery regimes in East Asia, and identifying best practices of cooperation.
 
9
WPNS comprises the leaders of regional navies. The focus is upon naval cooperation and capacity building. It was inaugurated in 1988, meets biennially and includes numerous workshops and naval exercises. Participants include Australia, Brunei, Cambodia, Canada, Chile, France, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, China, the Philippines, RoK, Russia, Singapore, Thailand, Tonga, the United States and Vietnam, with observers from Bangladesh, India, Mexico, Peru and Pakistan.
 
10
Nineteen states are contracting parties to ReCAAP: Australia, Bangladesh, Brunei, Cambodia, China, Denmark, India, Japan, RoK, Laos, Myanmar, the Netherlands, Norway, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Thailand, the United Kingdom and Vietnam. A ReCAAP Information Sharing Centre was established that facilitates exchanging information on incidents of piracy and armed robbery, support for capacity building and cooperative arrangements.
 
11
CSCAP provides an informal mechanism for scholars, officials and others in their private capacities to discuss political and security issues and challenges facing the region. It provides policy recommendations to various intergovernmental bodies such as the ARF. CSCAP membership includes most of the major countries in the Asia-Pacific. It has 21 full members of the Council (Australia, Brunei, Cambodia, Canada, China, Europe, India, Indonesia, Japan, DPRK, RoK, Malaysia, Mongolia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, Russia, Singapore, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam) and one associate member (Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat).
 
12
MSP was formalized as the collective term to describe the combined Malacca Strait Sea Patrol (formerly MALSINDO), ‘Eyes-in-the-Sky’ (EiS) and an Intelligence Exchange Group operating under a Joint Coordinating Committee, with Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand participating.
 
13
APEC was established in 1989. Its primary purpose is to facilitate economic growth and prosperity in the region, with the vision of creating a seamless regional economy. APEC has 21 member economies: Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, China, Hong Kong, China, Indonesia, Japan, RoK, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Peru, the Philippines, Russia, Singapore, Chinese Taipei, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam.
 
14
For example, the author represented CSCAP at an ARF ISM on MS in Seoul, South Korea, in April 2013. The presentation on offshore oil and gas safety and security regional strategic risk management led to the author’s participation in an ARF Working Group on Marine Environmental Protection held in Honolulu, March 2014, co-chaired by the United States, China, Japan and Brunei. The outcome included recognition that offshore oil and gas safety and security needs to be addressed as a common regional safety and security issue, and that risk-based concepts offer viable mechanisms for developing cooperative approaches to regional maritime security risks.
 
15
Several IOR states, including Australia, India and Indonesia, are participants in both Indian Ocean and Asian-Pacific entities.
 
16
The key objective of IORG is to initiate a policy-oriented dialogue among governments, industries, NGOs and communities, towards realizing a shared, peaceful, stable and prosperous future for the IOR. IORG encourages research on geopolitical, economic, sociocultural, environmental, scientific and technological issues.
 
17
The IORA website states, with regard to IORAG: “In recent years, there has been a call to reinvigorate the Academic Group with a need for a more dynamic link between policy and projects ... IORAG ... needed to pay greater attention to ... Develop a stronger Indian Ocean Research environment; Foster a culture of “Indian Oceanness”; Focus on matters of common concern; Research aimed at enabling better regional policy outcomes; Develop a stronger regional policy foundation; and Enhance collective regional awareness.”
 
18
The stated objectives of SAARC are to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development by promoting active collaboration and mutual assistance in economic, social, cultural, technical and scientific fields. Member states are Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka.
 
19
The objectives of SADC are to achieve peace, security and economic growth to alleviate poverty, enhance the standard and quality of life of the peoples of Southern Africa and support the socially disadvantaged through regional integration and sustainable development. Member states are Angola, Botswana, Congo, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, the Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
 
20
EAC is the regional organization for Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. Its mission is to widen and deepen economic, political, social and culture integration in order to improve the quality of life of the people of East Africa through increased competitiveness, value-added production, trade and investments.
 
21
Formally known as the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf, GCC’s objectives are coordination, integration and interconnection between member states in all fields in order to achieve unity, including economic and financial affairs, commerce, customs and communications, education and culture, and scientific and technological progress. Member states are the UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait.
 
22
The focus of IOMAC was marine and oceans management. Initiated by Sri Lanka, India and other Indian Ocean states did not support it and it ceased effective operations in 1997.
 
23
BIMSTEC’s focus is economic, with member states participating in the BIMSTEC Free Trade Area Framework Agreement. Member states are Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Thailand.
 
24
DCoC was signed on 29 January 2009 and initially adopted by Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, the Maldives, the Seychelles, Somalia, Tanzania and Yemen. Comoros, Egypt, Eritrea, Jordan, Mauritius, Mozambique, Oman, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Sudan and UAE have since signed.
 
25
IORA was formerly known as the Indian Ocean Rim – Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC).
 
26
In 2013, a ‘revised IORA Charter’ came into effect that replaces the earlier IOR-ARC Charter. The revised Charter includes formal recognition of the role of a ‘troika’ comprising the current ‘Chair, the Vice Chair and the previous Chair’, which will meet more frequently than the wider ‘Council of Ministers’.
 
27
The term ‘Conclave of Chiefs’ refers to a formal meeting of naval and other maritime security agency heads that occurs biennially as a key part of biennial IONS Seminars.
 
28
The author participated and presented papers at IONS in Abu Dhabi in 2010 and in Perth in 2014.
 
29
The Iranian Navy chief reportedly insisted that Farsi be the official language of IONS. This remained a stumbling block to the Charter until the Perth meeting, when English was mutually agreed to be the official language of IONS.
 
30
The IN Chief, Admiral D.K. Joshi, had resigned a few weeks before the IONS meeting in Perth, and the South African Chief was reported to be in the process of handing over command. There were no publicly stated reasons for non-attendance by the Indonesian and Malaysian Navy chiefs.
 
31
These points were emphasized by Vice Admiral Ray Griggs, Chief of Navy – Australia and Chair of IONS 2014, in his opening remarks on 25 March 2014. IONS 2010 theme was ‘Together for the Reinforcement of Maritime Security in the Indian Ocean’; IONS 2014 ‘Protecting the Ability to Trade in the IO Maritime Economy’.
 
32
For example, the author was invited to present ideas on working towards a coherent and cooperative IOR maritime security strategy at IONS 2010, and spoke on IOR maritime security risks and risk-based approaches at IONS 2014. Both presentations were well received and generated considerable discussion, but no formal acknowledgement or decisions resulted from the ‘closed-door’ Conclave of Chiefs; IONS is the wrong forum for such policy matters to be progressed.
 
33
This information was provided during an interview by the author with Vice Admiral Ray Griggs, Chief of Navy – Australia, on 8 August 2013.
 
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Metadata
Title
Indian Ocean Maritime Security Cooperative Arrangements
Author
Lee Cordner
Copyright Year
2018
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62755-7_6

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