Below I answer the study’s research questions by presenting two sections each corresponding to a question. The first section shows that teachers understood DL as offering Latinxs a culturally relevant and equitable education because DL provided Latinxs with language/biliteracy instruction and linguistic/cultural representation. Additionally, teachers’ raciolinguistic ideology of seeing Latinxs as needing language/biliteracy contributed to viewing DL as culturally relevant. Further, teachers did not imagine that their work needed to explicitly enhance youths’ critical-racial consciousness. In the second section, I show teachers made sense of perceived Latinx underperformance through racist and raciolinguistic explanations. The findings unveil the teachers’ need for developing their own critical-racial consciousness. Although each section answers a research question, the section’s ideas overlap, thus, in the second section, I continue to point out silences of critical-racial consciousness.
Seeing DL as “Culturally Relevant” for Latinxs Because DL Provides Language/Biliteracy
Teachers expressed faith in research about DL, for example, Mr. Mayer (White) stated in an interview that he learned in his teacher-preparation program, “the research says [DL] is the best for serving our English-language learners.” All teachers thought that DL was the best bilingual program for their Latinxs and ELs. Ms. Schloss (White), shared:
In all my understanding in the research I’ve done about [DL] is that the ideas and the goals of it is obviously to create bilingual and bicultural students, but [also] as a tool for justice specifically for students who are traditionally underserved. I guess the most obvious group to whom that applies are Latino students or students for whom Spanish is their first language.
These teachers’ quotes show educators referred to research as imparting credibility to dual-language programs and saw DL’s purpose as improving the education of Latinxs and ELs. When I inquired into how this was so, teachers described that the program was “culturally relevant,” “culturally responsive,” and “linguistically responsive.”
As I probed into teachers’ ideas of how the program was culturally relevant, advanced equity, and improved Latinxs’ education, I found teachers' ideas centered language and literacy. All teachers first cited the program’s goal of developing academic biliteracy. For example, Mr. Clarke (White) described his expected outcomes of the dual-language program in stating, “we want our kids to be bilingual, have a high level of literacy in both languages.” Another teacher, Mr. Estrada (Latino), asserted, “the goal’s getting that Seal of Biliteracy on their diploma.” Similarly, another stated the aim: “When students graduate, they are bilingual, biliterate students who can function equally or close to equally well in both languages.”
Most teachers expressed that they did not know about the program having a specific social justice mission, apart from improving student achievement and providing access to biliteracy. For example, Mr. Estrada shared that the program’s social justice goal was “to help students maintain their language.” Teachers explained that the program was “culturally relevant” because it meant to improve students’ biliteracy, and this addressed equity.
Whereas biliteracy was the expressed primary goal of the program, attaining biliteracy was also considered the means for improving academic performance and achieving equity. Teachers mentioned that providing biliteracy and “bridging from their home language […] helps the students achieve” and “close the achievement gap” for Latinxs. According to the teachers, because DL provided a biliterate education, and thereby equal access to the content, Latinx academic performance in classroom and standardized evaluations would improve. For example, Ms. Lucas (White) shared that the program “work[ed] toward a common goal of bilingualism and providing kids to equal access with languages.” Exemplifying this understanding, another teacher shared that the program “help[s] some of these students who speak Spanish at home improve their English skills, and get more on an equal playing field, because their classes are being taught in Spanish, so they’re not going to be linguistically disadvantaged.”
Along with her colleagues, Ms. Nader (person of color) also had faith that DL was culturally relevant and would ameliorate disparities. She asserted:
We know that native-Spanish speakers will achieve higher literacy in both languages if they’re learning in both languages, so we know that it not only benefits them in terms of maintaining their native language and culture but also will help them give them benefits for English acquisition and literacy. And so that all together their tests scores, their academic achievements should go up with that foundation in Spanish literacy. And that’s sort of not to mention the benefits to just sense of self and personal identity and culture to be able to speak native languages and talk about cultural [sic] or have culturally relevant education.
According to Ms. Nader, because DL provides Latinxs a “foundation in Spanish literacy” other measures like their English literacy and their achievement should benefit. Of note is that Ms. Nader and a few other teachers also mentioned that DL promoted cultural competence through fostering self-esteem and sustaining students’ home language. In these cases, as Ms. Nader’s quote illustrates, “culturally relevant” was equated with cultural pride and competency.
To a lesser extent, teachers also opined that by offering Spanish the “languages are elevated to a similar standard,” thus the school provides language representation and an equitable education to Latinxs. When I asked Mr. Estrada to speak about how the program worked toward equity for Latinxs and having students understand and act to challenge injustices, his ideas exemplified those of the other teachers:
I think just by virtue of the fact that we do privilege Spanish, we privilege Spanish speakers, I think that in and of itself is a very powerful message to kids; that Brown people matter, that Spanish matters, that some people know a lot more than you, even if they don’t look like your family. I think there’s a very powerful message about justice and equity just in that.
I pressed him on how the program addresses issues of justice, and Mr. Estrada replied, “even more important to me is that Spanish speakers see, ‘Oh, my language matters. My parent’s language matters. My family’s experiences count for something.’ I think that’s important.” As the quotes illustrate, Mr. Estrada understood the program as culturally relevant and its social justice goal mainly from it valuing and teaching Spanish in an English-dominant society.
Teachers saw the solution for eradicating Latinxs’ achievement gap as schools affirming Spanish and developing Latinxs’ academic Spanish literacy. This informed and/or complemented teachers’ raciolinguistic ideologies about Latinxs needing language/biliteracy in order to improve school achievement and have an equitable education. There was a noticeable absence of considering critical-racial consciousness as part of a culturally relevant education, and of considering a more expansive idea of literacy as also encompassing, for example, racial literacy (Chávez-Moreno, in press). Thus, teachers’ emphasis on language/biliteracy overshadowed any understandings of an equitable, culturally relevant dual-language education being one that works toward enhancing students’ critical-racial consciousness.
Despite teachers believing that the program was culturally relevant, teachers expressed concern that underachievement endured in state and teacher assessments for some Latinxs when compared to their White peers in DL. Below I show how thinking of DL as “inherently culturally relevant” influenced how teachers made sense of their perceived underperformance of Latinxs, which exposes teachers’ need to develop their own critical-racial consciousness.
Racist and Raciolinguistic Explanations for Latinx Underperformance
While research usually compares Latinx EL achievement in DL to those in English mainstream classrooms (e.g., Lindholm-Leary & Hernández,
2011), these were not the dual-language teachers’ immediate comparison group. Rather, teachers compared their Latinx students to the other English-dominant White middle-class students
in their classrooms, and perceived Latinxs as those with the lowest achievement. That is, teachers employed raciolinguistic comparisons about Latinxs’ language/literacy to those of White youth in DL, and teachers were troubled by the differences in outcomes they noticed.
Considering teachers’ raciolinguistic ideologies of Latinxs needing language/biliteracy and their view that DL fulfilled this need, it was incongruent for teachers that Latinxs were still not achieving as expected. Most teachers felt “disheartened,” “concerned,” and “disappointed” about not seeing the program improve Latinx achievement. This was especially highlighted considering these were secondary-level students who had participated in DL since kindergarten and self-identified as bilingual. Teachers mentioned that the district has good intentions, but they recognized that, in fact, Latinxs were not doing as well as the other dual-language students. One teacher, Ms. West (White), shared:
We’re not meeting our equity and education in my opinion, and the district numbers show that. The whole reason we switched to bilingual education was because the national studies show that kids end up performing above their peers, and our students are not.
Ms. West, like other teachers, believed DL would help Latinxs perform at the same level or above their White middle-class students. Besides the district’s standardized exam scores mentioned by the teacher, several other measures also pointed to unrelenting disparities. For example, all the dual-language students in remedial math were Latinxs, and the remedial dual-language summer-school courses had only Latinxs. White students comprised the majority who met the requirements and obtained the Seal of Biliteracy on their high school diploma.
To the discontent of many, teachers shared that while some Latinx students excelled in DL, many did not do well, and in fact performed worse than their White counterparts, including in Spanish literacy. Ms. Nader shared:
We had this idea that the program was really supposed to raise literacy of native Spanish speakers, [it’s] supposed to benefit native-Spanish speakers. It doesn’t seem like literacy of the Latino students is reaching that level of the Latino native-English speakers.
Like Ms. Nader, teachers were bothered by the disparities they observed in their classrooms and that the dual-language program failed to provide the promised results of improving all Latinxs’ achievement.
While research touting DL usually compares ELs in different language programs (not with White middle-class students), teachers experienced dissonance from expecting the program to uplift Latinxs and not seeing it deliver this goal. In response to Latinx underachievement, teachers hypothesized about the factors impacting program quality and student outcomes, such as, teacher capacity and resources. However, some also drew from racist and raciolinguistic ideologies to explain disparities. Below, I organize the teachers’ explanations based on three areas: youth and families, teacher training and competence, and program’s language input.
Youth and Families
When speaking about Latinx dual-language students not achieving as expected, some teachers shared meritocratic understandings that individualize outcomes. For example, Mr. Estrada opined, “There are some students that are showing really good growth. It’s the ones that don’t really act like students and don’t really do school.” Latinx students who failed to improve in the program were the ones who “struggle[d] to stay on task” and were seen as not applying themselves. In effect, this discourse blames individuals for their performance, reasoning that hard-working students do well in school.
Some teachers drew explanations from deficit ideologies about students and their families. For example, Mr. Clarke shared that parents’ lack of intelligence caused differences in achievement, “I don’t know if IQ and intelligence and that sort of thing is got a genetic factor where maybe the parents themselves, and I’m not saying it’s all IQ or not, but maybe they themselves.” The teacher elaborated on this idea and compared Latinx and White families by stating Latinx parents come from (I have abridged because of length):
A pretty low educational background. Are [youth] getting a message at home like […] “You can work for me, you don’t need [school].” It’s kind of a complacent attitude, […] I don’t think the parents themselves really even have parenting theory […] We need to do more parent outreach and kind of teaching of the parents about how to be parents. This is a contrast between some of the really overachieving type of White families.
Here, this teacher explained Latinxs’ underachievement as stemming from a lack of intelligence to parents being unambitious, not valuing education, and not knowing how to parent. Most teachers did not voice this type of racist, deficit opinion so explicitly.
However, even three teachers whom shared being motivated by social justice and whom I observed teaching lessons to foster critical-racial consciousness resorted at times to raciolinguistic comparisons that looked at the students’ culture and families and need for language in order to make sense of differences in achievement. For example, when talking about why Latinxs were not doing well, Ms. West shared, “Our kids just need more culturally, they need the instruction scaffolded to them. They have to see the print on the wall, they need to still have the sentence starters, they need to see things like that.” When explaining that White students had a higher writing level than their Latinx peers, another of these three teachers, Ms. Lucas, shared:
We get kids, and it’s almost always Latino children, and they’ll write at a whole different level than the White kids and I don’t understand why that happens. I think part of it might just even be home culture, if you’re always reading and if you come from a home and parents can help you with your work and your parents aren’t at work, and you aren’t having to take care of your siblings that’s a huge advantage.
Teachers connected student needs and outcomes to family resources. Given that schools are structured to favor those with resources (e.g., parents having time and knowledge to help with homework), teachers saw Latinx families lack of these resources as affecting students into not having adequate literacy at home. Teachers compared Latinxs’ writing with the White students, and did not consider whether their own evaluations of writing are influenced by society’s raciolinguistic ideologies.
As shown above, while some teachers pointed to the lack of resources the Latinx families had, others resorted to the long accepted form of racism in U.S. discourse of blaming their culture (e.g., Morales et al.,
2019): Latinxs have a culture that causes a difference between the achievement of Latinx and other students (i.e., Whites) and that causes Latinxs’ continued underperformance in the dual-language program.
Teacher Training and Competence
Centering language, teachers also pointed to teacher training and competence playing a role in student outcomes. To start, the district had trouble hiring for the dual-language program. Ms. West, who was working toward bilingual certification, shared that teachers’ non-bilingual-education training was an issue:
I just don’t see [the district] getting a huge influx of bilingually trained teachers in the next five years. They’re going to keep hiring people who either speak Spanish and have a teaching degree, or people trained as Spanish teachers who didn’t get a job in Spanish.
Teachers reasoned that the shortage of teachers trained in bilingual education and the lack of professional development affected Latinx underperformance.
With the caveat that “everyone is trying their best,” other teachers connected teacher training with competencies and/or identities, which were often times linked to language ability. When speaking about Latinx underachievement, Ms. Thomson (White), who had foreign-language training, mentioned teachers’ language ability and racial identity:
I think teachers are an issue, teacher training. The teachers that are teaching, again myself included, we’re not well trained, we’re not usually native speakers. […] I will definitely say that I feel like I have a long way to go with my Spanish proficiency and I’m kind of like a minimum of what should be acceptable, but they’re, I know the level that some of the teachers have is way, way less than mine. I think that partly is the problem. […] The more Latino teachers that we can get the better so that students can see themselves reflected in their teachers.
Ms. Thomson highlighted bilingual-education teachers’ language ability and evaluated her own as “minimum of what should be acceptable.” She also was attuned to ideas about Latinx students needing Latinx teachers who were “native speakers” and whom students could identify with. Yet, Ms. Thomson did not mention the equally important aspect of teachers having critical-racial consciousness and being competent in teaching with such a stance, instead she focused on language competency and racial-identity representation.
In an exception of not centering language competency in discussions about teacher training, Ms. Lucas mentioned teachers’ expectations. She believed that Latinx underperformance resulted from teachers not doing their job well, “Teachers [are] not doing their work because the students are just slid by because of them being so cute and not having behavior issues. It’s really heartbreaking.” In other words, some teachers do not have adequate training so neglect providing Latinxs rigorous instruction because well-behaved Latinxs do not demand attention. Similar to the idea of Wortham et al., (
2009) about Mexican students, Latinx ELs were seen as “model minorities” in terms of civic behavior, but not with respect to intellect. Ms. Lucas noticed that this “model minority status” facilitated some teachers’ low standards, consequently affecting Latinxs’ achievement, an issue she believed could be alleviated with improved training. While she did not use this language, one could argue her concern approached the idea of teachers’ absence of critical-racial consciousness.
Along with lack of qualified or proficient personnel, teachers felt the district provided little professional development to the dual-language teachers, especially secondary-level DL, and left them to fend for themselves. Ms. West shared:
The district has teacher coaches, but none that are DL. So, the kids going through with mediocre instruction, not the fault of the teacher, just the fault of lack of training, and all the training you get from the district are just like information shoved at you. Like no follow-through or samples, on the DL side that’s what’s happening I should say. When I’ve gone to English language arts trainings, they’ll have a teacher teach a sample lesson in front of us, and then it clicks.
The teachers found this neglect for dual-language training especially troublesome given that even when they looked to outside sources for materials and support, secondary-level dual-language resources and models of exemplary instruction were difficult to find.
I highlight here that while teachers rightly believed training and proficiency regarding language and teaching ability mattered, besides Ms. Lucas’ exception about teacher expectations, no one mentioned training and teachers’ competency in regard to enhancing their own or the youths’ critical-racial consciousness. The raciolinguistic ideology of Latinxs’ needs being defined by language/literacy mostly foreclosed other considerations.
Teachers were confident in DL as a model that was research-based, culturally relevant, and that benefited any student, but especially Latinxs and ELs. However, there was a caveat: DL worked, they said, when implemented with fidelity, meaning the program needed to have enough Spanish input. Teachers perceived an overrepresentation of English would benefit the English-dominant (White) students and curtail the Spanish-speaking Latinx students’ opportunities to demonstrate their knowledge (i.e., use Spanish). Accordingly, teachers thought Latinxs underperformed because the program needed to provide more Spanish input—even though Latinxs were classified as the DL’s Spanish-dominant models. Below I show how this logic—together with Latinxs being seen as the “English learners” (i.e., not having adequate English)—maps onto the raciolinguistic ideology of Latinx languagelessness that is, Latinxs not dominating any language.
This racist and raciolinguistic ideology indirectly appeared in several conversations with teachers when discussing the program’s insufficient Spanish input as one reason why DL was not improving Latinx achievement. In BMS, teachers knew of their colleagues’ practices because of their classrooms’ proximity and program cohesion, and they critiqued colleagues with lower Spanish input. For example, when discussing Latinx performance in Spanish literacy, a BMS teacher shared: “[teachers] don’t stick to the language. We’re here to teach biliteracy, but kids can’t do it if they don’t have enough time with Spanish in their instruction.” The teacher’s comment of the “kids can’t do it” referred to Latinxs becoming literate in Spanish, even though the kids were the Spanish-dominant Latinx EL students.
Another BMS teacher also mentioned the amount of language used in the classrooms, “sometimes with certain teachers I’ve seen that there’s a laxness, in let’s say sticking with the language of instruction.” My interview and observation data pointed to all teachers (except two, one in each school) adhered to Spanish during Spanish time because they believed in meeting the allocated language input. However, even if the above teachers’ claims were so, this justification does not hold up to scrutiny once we consider that White students’ Spanish achievement was not comparably affected by teachers not “sticking with Spanish as the language of instruction.”
AHS teachers also mentioned the lack of Spanish input for their school’s dual-language students, which they believed led to Latinx underachievement. In an informal conversation, Mr. Ochoa (White Latino), mentioned that AHS’s program really is not an immersion program because the students did not even get 50% of their day in Spanish. Because AHS has a four-course block schedule and students select their own courses, some dual-language students took only one course (or none) in Spanish a semester. Mr. Ochoa and other teachers embraced the importance of the DL model’s technical 50/50 measure as to whether the program provided enough language input. That is, when the required amount of Spanish was not reached, program ineffectiveness followed, and this compromised Latinxs’ performance (but, again, not the Spanish achievement of the White dual-language students). An over-representation of English in the AHS dual-language program would negatively affect Spanish-dominant EL students demonstrate their knowledge using the Spanish language. However, many of these Latinx high-schoolers (even those officially labeled ELs) identified as bilingual and stronger in English (not Spanish-dominant). Considering Latinxs’ self-identification, the logic that the program needed to provide Latinx EL students with Spanish-language instruction in order to improve their performance hints toward a raciolinguistic ideology that Latinx students’ Spanish language and/or literacy were deficient.
In terms of more Spanish-language instruction, teachers felt unable to provide Latinxs with adequate Spanish input due to the diversity in student biliteracy levels in a classroom that led teachers to want more differentiated courses. Ms. Thomson, for example, saw the many Spanish ability levels as prohibitive to addressing Latinxs’ needs and differentiating instruction, and because she saw DL as an equity strategy, thought DL should “refocus on our Latino students.” She elaborated on what refocusing meant:
It would also be really useful to have maybe like a different stream or different course that would be more things that they could use as a job, like maybe doing, I don’t know, like interpreting, working, instead of reading fancy literature and looking at the news.
Ms. Thomson reasoned that because teachers were unable to differentiate, the program should be made practical for underachieving Latinxs by putting them in applied courses (seen as the low track) that “might lead them to jobs after graduation for the students that aren’t going to go to college.” This is problematic given that her solution to underperformance was providing students with lower standards and taking them off the college track. Her ideas betrayed deficit understandings and showed she overlooked that refocusing on Latinxs should include developing critical-racial consciousness, including that of the teachers in order to teach with this goal.
While several teachers pointed to the lack-of-Spanish-input reason for Latinx underperformance, one framed the program’s sole focus on language as problematic. In speaking about the dual-language program achieving its goal of improving the education of Latinxs, Mr. Ochoa asserted that “We have framed DL as simply offering classes in Spanish” (I translated because of space constraints). He explained why having a program as a vehicle for learning Spanish was troublesome, “When your class, your content, your institution, has not incorporated the culture and identity, the people of that culture identity are not necessarily benefiting as much as they could.” Mr. Ochoa was the only teacher to frame the program’s lack of a cultural identity as one of the reasons why it was not more successful in educating Latinx youth. Because of the program’s failure to adopt Latinx culture, he almost questioned the assumption that the program was culturally relevant, yet, when I asked him directly, he said the dual-language teachers were culturally relevant, focusing on language/biliteracy examples. Although Mr. Ochoa took a more critical stance on the program’s centering of language, he did not link his concern to enhancing critical-racial consciousness.
In the conclusion below, I further discuss my theorizations and present implications from the study’s findings.