Seeking sanctuary in ‘the age of disorder’: women in contemporary Tablighi Jamā‘at

The term “Tablighi Jamā‘at” or Jamā‘ah Tabligh or JT (Je-Te), as often used in Indonesia, was created by outsiders. The followers prefer the term “Muslims” for the people active in this group. For their activities, they prefer terms that refer directly to the activities. Thus, the terms often used are kerja da‘wah or usaha da‘wah (the work of proselytization), rombongan da‘wah (da‘wah group), jamā‘ah da‘wah (da‘wah congregation), or rombongan ṣilaturrahmi (bonding and close ties group).

The concept of khurūj in the Tablighi Jamā‘at can be regarded as its distinguishable element of da‘wa (proselytization). Khurūj is an Arabic term which refers to an activity of da‘wa that involves going out from the followers’ houses to diverse destinations either inside the country or outside the country for certain periods of time.

According to Kepel, up to the mid-1980s, the followers of the Tablighi mostly came from the level of society which was not well-educated, were jobless, or were youth who felt that they did not have a prospect for their life (alcoholics and drug addicts) (Kepel 2004).

Here in this article, I employ the term religious revivalist movement to designate the Tablighi Jamā‘at movement. The term religious revivalist movement is in line with the spirit of the movement itself, which tends to emphasize the revival of strict practice of Islam or normative Islam and to purify Islam from any acculturations or inclusions of any external elements. Some scholars, such as Farish A Noor (2009b), argued that they were inspired by the Wahhabi movement in Saudi Arabia. However, apart from this inspiration, the movement has special connections with Sufism (see Haq 1972; Metcalf 1982, 2002).

This article is only a small part of my anthropological fieldwork in Indonesia carried out over almost a year and half on the wider coverage of the involvement of women in diverse religious revivalist groups, namely Salafi groups and the Tablighi Jamā‘at. My focus on women in the Tablighi Jamā‘at is not confined only to women from the middle to upper classes, as I also cover Tablighi women from diverse backgrounds, particularly the majority of them who come from the lower class. It is noteworthy that both these movements (Salafi and Tablighi Jamā‘at) strive hard to claim themselves as the true followers of al-salaf al- \( {\mathop S\limits_. }{\mathop a\limits^\_} \) lih (literally means the righteous or pious predecessors). Al-salaf al- \( {\mathop S\limits_. }{\mathop a\limits^\_} \) lih refers to the first three generations of the Prophet Muhammed’s followers. The characteristic of these movements is almost identical, namely to practice Islam in the most proper way according to the true normative Islam as practiced by al-salaf al- \( {\mathop S\limits_. }{\mathop a\limits^\_} \) lih. However, these movements often appear to be in rigorous competition with each other. The tension between these two groups can mainly be seen from some publications made by diverse Salafi groups, such as Abdullah (1997), Abdat (2007), and al-Madkholi (2002). Since in Indonesia publications by the Tablighi are rarely found, except some translations of their programs and small books on Tablighi guidance, it is almost impossible to find any particular book that clarifies other groups’ misjudgments of the Tablighi, except that of Tasykhilie (n.d.).

I was not initially comfortable using the term senior (senior) and less senior in this article. However, since during my fieldwork, either among more privileged or less privileged women, I often encountered this term senior in these women’s explanations to distinguish those who have a longer involvement in the movement, I decided to also use this term. Seniority among women usually does not refer to the experience of performing khurūj as in the case of male Tablighi.

All the names of the places have been changed to preserve confidentiality.

To facilitate more people attending its annual gathering, since 2008 the ijtima‘ has been held in the area of a coconut plantation measuring around 55 hectares in Serpong, Banten (Zam 2009).The then vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, also visited this annual meeting. He even visited Indonesian Tablighi markaz (headquarters) in Kebon Jeruk several times.

The success of ijtima‘ (gathering) for this jamā‘at (group) does not refer to the huge number of attendees but their success in inviting Muslims to perform khurūj (go out for the purpose of da‘wa/proselytization) (Haq 1972). In the 2009 ijtima‘, they successfully sent 5,000 groups of da‘wa to perform khurūj.

For detailed explanation on the history of Mawlana Ilyas’s efforts to establish the Tablighi Jamā‘at, see Haq 1972; Troll 1985; Hasani 1988; Metcalf 1993; Ahmad 1994; Aziz 2004; Kepel 2004; Masud 2000.

Some studies, such as Nasrullah’s (2005), mentioned that it was in the period of Mawlana In’amul Hasan (1918–1995), the successor of Mawlana Yusuf or the third amīr of the Tablighi Jamā‘at, that the Tablighi Jamā‘at came to Indonesia (Nasrullah 2005). However, as it is known that the Tablighi came in 1952, this means that it was still the period of Mawlana Yusuf. In addition to this, Mawlana In’amul Hasan’s first Tablighi expansion abroad was to Sri Lanka in 1967 (Masud 2000).

G-30-S/PKI is the New Order’s official designation of the abortive coup d’état masterminded by the Indonesian Communist Party. For more extensive coverage on the study on G-30-S/PKI, see Anderson and McVey (1971); Crouch (1978); Anderson (1983); Heryanto (2006).

According to some Indonesian Tablighi asātidh, early Tablighi who came to Indonesia tried to get significant support from Muslims of Pakistani and Indian descent in Indonesia to become their ardent followers, who could then help them spread the Tablighi teachings. It was especially hard for them to find Indonesian ‘ulamā’ (religious clerics) who had studied in India to be intermediaries for their da‘wa to Indonesian Muslims who do not speak the same language (Masud 2000). Usually, for female followers, the role of the interpreters could be felt only when they interpreted the speeches or bayan delivered by the male Pakistani or Indonesian followers, while these women’s day-to-day communication during their stay in Indonesia depended on their ability to speak English. This, then, means that sometimes the communication did not go really well, since most female Tablighi’s ability to speak English is still limited. This was often mentioned by Tablighi asātidh as part of the Tablighi Jamā‘at’s difficult journey coming to Indonesia. For more discussion on the role of Indian Muslims during the advent of the Tablighi Jamā‘at in Indonesia, see Noor (2009b).

Kebon Jeruk mosque itself was built in 1718. It was just a muṣalla (a place for prayer, smaller than a mosque). In 1786, it was transformed into a mosque by the financial assistance of a Muslim couple from China, Chau Tsien Hwu and his wife, Fatimah Hwu. This mosque is also regarded as the first mosque built around Glodok and its surroundings. For a study on this mosque and other ancient mosques in Indonesia, see Anom (1998).

The rule set in such a movement is not only confined to Islam. There are some movements in other religions which have more or less the same model of practice, like Lubavitch in Judaism, as has been studied by Kepel (2004).

It is important to note that the term mastura is one that is used most usually by other Muslims, but the Tablighi Jamā‘at are using it in a specific way, while the term ta‘līm in mastura ta‘līm is used as is commonly understood by all Muslims.

The term da‘wa refers in general to propagation of the faith (to invite others to the path of God), while khurūj is considered by the Tablighi as their means or strategy to fulfill the duty of performing da‘wa.

Far al-kifāya is a concept that is common to all Muslims. It refers to religious duty addressed to the Muslim community, but which, when it is performed by certain members of the community, is then no longer obligatory for individual Muslims. On this discussion, see also Cook (2000).

The term maḥram is an Arabic term which is in widespread use among Muslims. It refers to close male kin including a woman’s immediate family, her husband, and her husband’s immediate male kin, and any male who was breastfed by her mother.^.

The influence of the Tablighi Jamā‘at doctrines in both pesantren started to be seen around the same time, in 1983. Although the relationship between these pesantren and the Tablighi Jamā‘at movement is informal, like the relationship between Madrasatul Niswan in New Delhi and Tablighi Jamā‘at, people, whether affiliated to the Tablighi or not, in Indonesia mostly refer to these pesantren as being Tablighi Jamā‘at’s. For a comparative study on the connection between the Tablighi Jamā‘at and girls’ education in India, see Winkelman (2005, 2006).

Usaha agama is the most common Indonesian Tablighi Jamā‘at’ term referring to their da‘wa. Usaha agama for them is the same as the Prophet’s effort to teach religion (Islam) to all human beings. Since there will be no prophets after the Prophet Muhammad, they believe that all Muslims are responsible for this prophetic duty that has to be continued until the judgment day comes (As-Sirbuny 2009).

For a comparative study on Malaysian women’s active support in the Islamization process, see Sylva Frisk (2009).

In terms of their public domain, women, living under religious fundamentalist groups, are often regarded as second-class citizens (see Bayat 2007a).

All the names of the informants have been changed to preserve confidentiality.

For further discussion of Bourdieu’s concept of capital, see Dumais (2002); Webb et al. (2002); Emirbayer and Williams (2005).

Nine of them also graduated from foreign universities.

This is not to say that uneducated and poorer women never attend this ḥalaqa. These less privileged women who come to these maḥalla do not live around Kebun Baru, but in other parts of Jakarta. Their seniority has led them to visit other ḥalaqa outside their region. This is particularly to monitor the activities and provide some guidance to these middle and upper class women who can be mostly classified as newcomers. In addition to this, usually when those who perform mastura khurūj are from their maḥalla, they will come to these privileged maḥalla to perform nuṣra.

Many new followers are still active in their careers and have a significant position in their working places such as general manager (one of them is a general manager in the World Bank), lawyer (quite a number of them are lawyers), and manager (one of them is a manager in Deutsche Bank).

However, as proven currently, the supporters of purist or revivalist teachings are mostly those who have higher levels of education, particularly a scientific background, like Laskar Jihad fighters (see Hasan 2005, 2006).

For an interesting study of Tabligi Jamā‘at and their political vision, see Yoginder Sikand (2002, 2003, 2006).

In Indonesia, these two terms may be used interchangeably. However, kerudung usually refers to a long transparent shawl which covers a woman’s hair and jilbab is a longer piece of cloth that almost completely covers a woman’s body except for her face and hands (Amrullah 2008).

Karkun is a term which tends to be only used in Indonesia by the Tablighi Jamā‘at. It refers to male followers who have performed or are performing khurūj. Sometimes, male followers in general in Indonesia are called karkun.

The type of relationship they build is like that of Muslim women in Iran during the war with Iraq when many Iranian women supported each other in ways such as minding each others’ children during demonstrations or providing comfort when one of them had to accept the fact that she must suffer from the loss of her husband or sons (Poya 1999).

Garis taqwa is a term which is only used by the Tablihi Jamā‘at. According to them, garis taqwa refers to Islamic teachings written in religious texts (al-Qur`ān and ḥadīth ) that have to be obeyed strictly as they are, without any further interpretations.

Usaha mastura is a term which is only used by the Tablighi Jamā‘at. It has almost the same meaning as usaha agama, only usaha mastura emphasizes more on women’s efforts to be active in da‘wa.

The most common book read by Tablighi are Fa ā’il al-Tablīgh (1977), Fa ā’il Al-A‘māl (2003), Fa ā’il al-ṣadāqa (n.d.), all of which were written by Shaykh Mawlana Muhammad Zakariya (Haq 1972).

Good scholarly accounts of the religious hierarchy can be found in Howell (2008), Muzakki (2008), and Hasan (2009).

For more discussion on the recruitment and selective targeting, see Clark (2004b).

Jawla khuṣuṣi is an Arabic term which tends to be only used by the Tablighi Jamā‘at. Jawla khuṣuṣi refers to visiting some houses of prominent figures in certain areas like ‘ulamā’ (religious clerics), government elite, head of the kampong, etc., to invite them to join the Tablighi Jamā‘at.

The newcomers who seem to have no significant obstacles in recruiting new participants also do not even hesitate to use modern technology like phones, mobile phones, and e-mail to smooth their efforts, while, on the other hand, many others try to distance themselves from modern technology. The previous husband of Utama Dewi, a well-known Indonesian singer, for example, asked her to get rid of the television because he believed it could have bad effects on the viewer. Some declare war on modern technology and others indeed adopt it and even use it as their means of da‘wa. The position of mobile phones in the Tablighi Jamā‘at is, I think, quite dilemmatic. This is the most favored means for Tablighi women to ask their friends to join ta‘līm. However, while in the khurūj period, mobile phones ideally should be kept away because it is believed that this technology will break the concentration of karkun or mastura.

The term Batman refers to a fictional character which was also produced as an American animated television series. These Tablighi women use the term Batman to describe the fact that they are active in catching other Muslim women to follow them into being active in the Tablighi Jamā‘at.

Da‘wa infirādi is an Arabic term which is used in a specific way by the Tablighi Jamā‘at. It refers to performing da‘wa individually to one targeted Muslim.

Tashkil is a term which tends to be only used by the Tablighi Jamā‘at community. Tashkil refers to a period which entails the process of registration and identification of followers who will go out for khurūj and organizing ta‘līm .

Women must perform khurūj with their husbands or sometimes close relatives (maḥram). But if unmarried, they can join either their fathers and mothers or their married sisters.

For women, there is no time limit for performing khurūj. The number of days for performing mastura khurūj is also different from men. For women, it is 3 days, 15 days, and 40 days (in Indonesia), and two months to IPB (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh).