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Contemporary Islam

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01-07-2011

The modernity of premodern Islam in contemporary Daghestan

Author: Rebecca Gould

Published in: Contemporary Islam | Issue 2/2011

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Abstract

This ethnographic essay investigates the relations between past and present forms of Islam in the north Caucasian Republic of Daghestan. Conversations culled from fieldwork in Daghestani urban and rural spaces are used to elucidate the cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity of life in this region. Ethnographies in a bookstore, a shrine to the Imam Shamil, and a scholarly archive in Makhachkala unfold against the historical background of Daghestan’s long-standing encounter with the Arabo-Islamic world. The essay explores how the post-Soviet turn to post-secular Islam represents an alternative to colonialism and a new way of making meaning in the present. It is intended as a contribution to Islamic studies, modernity theory, and post-Soviet Union area studies.

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See especially the chapter “Modernity’s Consciousness of Time and its Need for Self-Reassurance” in Habermas 1987:1-23; Connerton 2009; Luhmann 1976.

Miller 1926; Karny 2000: 116ff.

For overviews of Arabic literature in Daghestan, see Genko 1941; Krachkovskii 1960; Zelkina 2000; Alikberov 2003: 295–321. The latter offers a comprehensive study of Abu Bakr ad-Darbandi’s (d. 1145) Rayhan al-haqa’īq (Sweet Basil of Truths), a still-unpublished twelfth account of Sufism in Daghestan, in the context of the general history of Islam in the Caucasus.

On the unique graphic system forged by Daghestani scholars to enable the pronunciation of Arabic terms by non-Arabs, see Barabanov 1945. The locus classicus for discussions of ‘ajam in European historiography is Goldziher 1890 (1): 10–146. A concise overview may be found in “Adjam,” (F. Gabrieli) Encyclopedia of Islam ³ (hereafter EI).

On Christianity in Daghestan, see Gasanov 2001 and the references there to the Russian scholarly literature. Hajiev 2009: 36–7 discusses pagan architecture in Daghestan; Ibrahimov 2006: 16 discusses ties between Daghestan and Zoroastrianism.

For the complex genealogy of the Shirwanshahs, see Bosworth, “Shīrwānshāh,” EI ³ and Minorsky 1958. Bosworth observes in the history of the Shirwanshah dynasty a “progressive Persianisation of this originally Arab family …parallel to and contemporary with that of the Kurdicisation of the Rawwadids in Adharbaydjan.”

The first recorded occurrence of this claim for the etymology of shamkhāl occurs in the chronicle of Muhammad Rafī^c (see n11 below), dated c. 1313, but extant only in the form of an abridgement made in 1617.

Also spelled Khidāq. Throughout I adopt a modified transliteration system based on IJMES, except when an orthographically and phonetically correct transcription would conflict with the source I am citing from. Thus, I give Qal^ca Quraysh generally but transliterate Kalakoreish when citing a Russian book on the subject in the bibliography, Najm al-Dīn al-Hutsī but Nadjzhmuddin Gotsinskii when citing the Russian biography, and al-Alqadārī but Alkadari when referencing the modern Turkish edition. This admittedly complicated system is intended to ease the process of locating the sources in questions, as transliterations faithful to Arabic phonology and orthography would not be locatable through most databases.

Ibn Rusta 1892: 147–148. Cf. Minorskii 1963: 217–221. Surprisingly, Magomedov and Shikhsaidov omit Ibn Rusta from their list of Arabic and European visitors to Qal^ca Quraysh; they only list as sources the works of al-Ya^cqūbī, al-Balādhurī, al-Tabarī, al-Kufī, al-Garnātī, Ibn al-Athīr, Abū ‘l-Fida, and the anonymous tenth century Persian geographical text Hudud al-‘Alām (Boundaries of the World) (Magomedov and Shikhsaidov 2000: 6–9).

Although a Tārīkh al-Bāb was attributed to Mammūs al-Darbandī as early as the fifteenth century in al-Sahāwi’s I ^c lān, he has not been regarded by most modern scholars as the author of the original texts. That al-Lakzī authored the original eleventh century Tārīkh al-Bāb was only recently demonstrated conclusively by A. K. Alikberov (cf. Alikberov 2003: 309ff and 1991). Alikberov additionally stipulates that the full title by which the text is known in some redactions, Tārīkh al-Bāb wa-Shirwān, refers to a later supplement. (Shirwān, in other words, was not originally included in this history of Darband.) Prior to Alikberov (in for example Minorsky 1958: 3), al-Lakzī was assumed to be simply one among many authors, not the originary author.

Only the date of Muhammad Rafī^c’s chronicle has been provided by extant primary sources: 712/1313, according to Bakikhānūf. Minorsky casts doubt on the accuracy of this date, see Minorsky 1958: 9.

Astonishingly, none of these texts have been published in their original languages, which explains the lack of scholarly attention to their contents. They have however appeared in multiple Russian translations. See in particular the important anthology of sources: Shikhsaidov et al. 1993. The first and only English translation of the Darbandnama is the still-valuable Kazim Bek 1851. There are also fragments of Arabic texts which—the Persian title notwithstanding—bear the title Darbandnāma and which served as the basis for later Turkic versions, but the Turkic text is by far the best known and most complete, as well as the only one that has been published, albeit in translation (on earlier Arabic manuscripts of the Darbandnāma, see Minorskii 1963; Alikberov 2003).

Bakikhānūf’s text has recently been published in a scholarly translation (Bakikhanov 2009). For the Persian text, see Bakikhānūf 1970. The best English account of

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al-Alqadārī’s life and works is Kemper 2006: 99–104; earlier Soviet sources are unhelpful for interpretive analysis. Also see the introduction in the modern Turkish edition, Alkadari 2003.

For al-Alqadārī’s references to Gulistān-i Irām, see Alkadari 2003: 4,17, 21, 23, 28 and passim.

Soviet Orientalism has invited more commentary than the other two historiographic epochs combined. A comprehensive bibliography cannot be essayed here, but see Kemper 2009 and the references contained therein.

Scholarship on the Aukh is scarce in all relevant languages. Although much has been written about contemporary Chechnya, I am aware of no ethnography concerned with the Chechens of Daghestan. The Aukh are briefly discussed in Jaimoukha 2005: 81.

Examples for Chechnya include Alkhan Yurt, Katyr Yurt, Serzhen Yurt, and Nozhai Yurt.

All conversations reported here, including the present one, were conducted in Russian.

All names have been changed in order to preserve confidentiality.

“I bear witness that there is no deity but Allah and I bear witness that Muhammad is his Messenger.” Reciting the shahāda is one of the five pillars (arkān) of the Islamic habitus, the others being salāt (ritual prayer), zakāt (almsgiving); sawm (fasting), and hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca).

I take this list of countries where Daghestani youth have received higher educations from Navruzov 2009: 158.

Navruzov’s survey of six Islamic institutes of higher education based on Makhachkala should be supplemented with the even more detailed review of the problem in Bobrovnikov et al. (2009).

Many cities were built in Tsarist and Soviet times to replace more historic capitals, including Grozny, Vladikavkaz, and Dushanbe. The first two cities possess Russian names (“Fearsome” and “Rule the Caucasus,” respectively, while Dushanbe refers to the Monday [Persian, dushanbe] market which used to be held in the area before it was turned into a city in the Soviet period). Rather than starting from scratch, Tsarist and Soviet planners could have located the capitals in more metropolitan cities such as Temir Khan Shura or Derbent for Daghestan and Khojand for Tajikistan (or Bukhara and Samarqand for Uzbekistan, rather than the recently constructed Tashkent). Russian sovereignty could be more easily established in territories whose Islamic pasts had been obscured.

The three prior Imamates were headed consecutively by Ghazi Mohammed (r. 1828–1832), Gamzat-bek (r. 1832 1834), and Imam Shamil (r. 1834–1859). Scholarship on the Fourth Imamate is lacking, but see Kakagasanov and Osmanov 1994; Bennigsen-Broxup 1994; Dzidzioev 2003: 22–64.

The work of N.I. Pokrovskii is classic in the history of the historiography of Imam Shamil; for surveys of Shamil in Soviet historiography, see Gammer 1992; Tillet 1969.

Donogo 2005. Donogo also served as the editor for an influential newspaper, Fond Imama Shamilia, and a literary journal, called Akhul’go after the siege led by Imam Shamil against the Tsarist army.

The Naqshbandiyya habit of cultivating writing solely in Arabic rather than in Avar or another local vernacular contrasts with the Qadiriyya tarīqa, also active in the north Caucasus, though primarily among the Chechens rather than the Avars, who cultivated writing and chants (dhikr) in the vernacular (Cf. Zelkina 2000: 499 n49).

Cited in Appendix 4 to Bobrovnikov 2009. The translation—from Russian into English of the originally Arabic document—is Bobrovnikov’s. As Bobrovnikov notes, the location of the Arabic text is unknown at present. For details on Russian publications claiming to be translations of the Arabic text, see Bobrovnikov 2009: 124 n56.

Reported in the government journal Daghestan (a special issue of Echo Kavkaza 1 [11], 1997), 23f; cf. Kemper 2007: 55n77. For discussions of Imam Shamil’s legacy, see Kemper 2007; Gammer 1999.

Although my conversation with Magomed transpired in Russian, he used many Avar words that he considered untranslatable into Russian. Most of these words were Arab–Islamic derivatives, though some, were Caucasus-specific. One such word, which he considered to be untranslatable, was mats (language). Mats corresponds to the Chechen mott (also language) and reflects a pan-Caucasus etymology.

Zelkina 2002: 261. For attitudes to Shamil in Zaqatala occasioned by the monument built to replace the old one see Gould 2010.

These points are made eloquently in Knysh 2004 and 2002.

It is perhaps worth noting at this point that only two disciplines in the United States have witnessed a flourishing of studies on the Caucasus in the past two decades: linguistics and terrorism studies. Disciplines such as history, literature, and even anthropology remain drastically underrepresented. The situation is somewhat better in Russian, but proportionally terrorism and linguistics by far outweigh other areas of inquiry.

For these trajectories outside the Caucasus and their relation to new Islamic movements, see Delong-Bas 2004; Abu-Rabi^c 1996, and the bibliographies of these two works.

For background on clan affiliations among Muslim north Caucasian societies, see Mamakaev 1973; Dettmering 2005; Sokirianskaia 2005. This literature focuses primarily on Chechnya and Ingushetia.

Alkadari 2003: 139. Al-Alqadārī’s genealogy of the dissemination of Arabic to Daghestan heavily influenced two foundational contributions to the study of the dissemination of Arabic literary culture to Daghestan, “Arabskaia literatura na Severmom Kavkaze” [Arabic Literature in the North Caucasus] and “Daghestan i Yemen,” [Daghestan and Yemen] both in Krachkovskii 1960. Both essays are being translated into English for a forthcoming collection of the Russian Arabist’s seminal works entitled Towards An Arabic Philology: Ignaty Krachkovsky on Arabic Literary Culture.

Here I summarize the details found in Krachkovskii 1960: 575.

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Title: The modernity of premodern Islam in contemporary Daghestan
Author: Rebecca Gould
Publication date: 01-07-2011
Publisher: Springer Netherlands
Published in: Contemporary Islam / Issue 2/2011
Print ISSN: 1872-0218
Electronic ISSN: 1872-0226
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-010-0146-3

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