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Published in: Society 4/2015

01-08-2015 | Symposium: The Legacy of Robert Nisbet

Social Change and Progress in the Sociology of Robert Nisbet

Author: Daniel Chernilo

Published in: Society | Issue 4/2015

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Abstract

This article discusses the ideas of progress and social change in the sociology of Robert Nisbet. It contends that Nisbet is a unique figure in US sociology given his conservative political views, his historicist understanding of social and political thought and his interest in the moral texture of sociological ideas. In terms of structure, the article proceeds in three steps. Firstly, it reconstructs the central tenets of Nisbet’s conception of social change, history and progress by looking at the role of metaphors and analogies in the construction of scientific statements. Secondly, the piece revisits his analysis of the rise of modern social institutions in America as an empirical application of sociology’s key distinction between community and society. Here, I pay special attention to Nisbet’s assessment of America’s transformation after WWI, as in his view the Great War paved the way for the definitive modernisation of American society. Finally, the article compares Nisbet’s arguments, as developed in the previous two sections, with Karl Löwith and Strauss’s critique of modern thought. I contend that mutual lessons can be learnt through an engagement between these philosophical critique of modern social science and Nisbet’s own critique of sociology.

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Footnotes
1
As an undergraduate student immediately after the end of Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile in the early 1990s, the Spanish edition of this companion was still the book which we studied the origins of sociology.
 
2
Outside the US, this would apply also to Raymond Aron (1972) in France and Morris Ginsberg (1965) in the UK.
 
3
This fascination with self-contained units and discrete wholes is in his view a constitutive feature of the intellectual imagination of Western civilisation (Nisbet 1976: 433–4; 1988: 70; 2009: 24, 45, 249–50). In modernity, this is arguably best represented in the understanding of nation-states as self-contained and self-sufficient units—a debate that recently has cohered on the problem of so-called ‘methodological nationalism’ (Chernilo 2007, 2011).
 
4
Karl Löwith (1964: 137–44) also discusses Bossuet’s work in this context and although he offers a similar interpretation to Nisbet of this book, Löwith is less impressed by the novelty of Bossuet’s approach to universal history.
 
5
On seventeenth-century intellectual developments that gave rise the rise of the modern Weltanschauung, see Toulmin (1990), Hochstrasser (2000).
 
6
Although it has not always made consistent use of this insight, functionalist sociology has understood this better than any other sociological tradition: see, paradigmatically, Parsons’s (1967) theory of the evolutionary universals in society and Luhmann’s (1977) discussion of symbolic and symbiotic mechanisms.
 
7
See Bendix (1970) for an insightful analysis of the relationships between social life and human nature in sociology. More recently, Luc Boltanski’s (2013) work on reproduction and abortion offers a reflection on the social and natural sources of our shared humanity. Partially modelled on the twentieth-century programme of philosophical anthropology, these questions are also central to the research programme that, following Löwith, I have called philosophical sociology (Chernilo 2014). See also note 16 below.
 
8
Similar arguments are made repeatedly in the book (Nisbet 2009: 35, 38, 63, 88, 96–7).
 
9
The problem of methodological nationalism is again a prime example of this in the social sciences. For the discipline of international relations, this coheres on the question of the so-called ‘domestic analogy’: whether and to what extent the main features of the international realm can be extrapolated from conditions of social order as they exist at the ‘domestic’ (i.e., national) level. Thus stated, the problem hangs decidedly on the scientific validity of analogies but has no particular bearing on the use of metaphors. See Bottici (2003), Chernilo (2010), Rolf (2014) and Suganami (1989).
 
10
In contemporary sociology, Pierre Bourdieu’s work offers a prime example of dogmatically asserting the conflictive nature of all social life. For a critique of the sociological and normative deficits of this position, see Chernilo (2014) and Honneth (1986).
 
11
Tönnies’s (2001: 52) original formulation reads thus: ‘Gesellschaft takes as its starting point a group of people who, as in Gemeinschaft, live peacefully alongside one another, but in this case without being essentially united—indeed, on the contrary, they are here essentially detached. In Gemeinschaft they stay together in spite of everything that separates them; in Gesellschaft they remain separate in spite of everything that unites them (…) Nothing happens in Gesellschaft that is more important for the individual’s wider group than it is for himself’.
 
12
See, however, passing comments in Nisbet (1967: 48 and 2009: 89). In the first of these references, he wrongly equates modern natural law theory with bourgeois thinking in way that is not altogether different from the left-Hegelian account that Gillian Rose (2009) offered later in the 1980s. It is worth observing that the last third of Tönnies’s Community and Society was actually devoted to the history and contemporary relevance of natural law in modern society. For an in depth analysis of Tönnies’s connection to modern natural law theory, see Bond (2013).
 
13
See Nisbet (1986: 133; 1988: 5, 42, 140). The more general argument has of course often been made that war is a major factor in effectuating social change, so what happened in this case was the more or less predictable result of an unprecedented war effort that involved all areas of society. See, recently, Mann (2012)
 
14
Mainstream social science in America was, on the contrary, fully in favour of an increasingly powerful state and American intervention in the World Wars (Nisbet 1988: 51; Gerhardt 2002; Shils 1980).
 
15
This last section draws on my discussion of Löwith, Strauss and Voegelin’s views on modernity and the social sciences (Chernilo 2013: 39–70). For reasons of space, I do not deal with Voegelin’s writings here.
 
16
Already in the early 1930s, Löwith had argued that a dual sociological (i.e., the study of modern capitalism) and philosophical (i.e., what makes life ‘human’) concern constituted the greatness of Weber and Marx’s work. He thus describes them as ‘philosophical sociologists’ (Löwith 1993: 48).
 
17
Compare the similar underlying sensibility that inspires Hannah Arendt’s (1953: 79) reply to Eric Voegelin’s review of her Origins of Totalitarianism: ‘[t]o describe the concentration camps sine ira et studio is not to be “objective,” but to condone them; and such condoning cannot be changed by condemnation which the author may feel duty bound to add but which remains unrelated to the description itself. When I used the image of hell, I did not mean this allegorically but literally (…) I think that a description of the camps as Hell on earth is more “objective,” that is, more adequate to their essence than statements of a purely sociological or psychological nature’. In his 1964 lecture course on Hitler and the Germans, Voegelin (1999: 64–5, 234–5) does refer to Arendt’s work, but to Eichmann in Jerusalem rather than to Origins of Totalitarianism. On Arendt’s understanding of Totalitarianism, see Fine (2001:100–121). On her critique of sociology, see Baehr (2010).
 
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Metadata
Title
Social Change and Progress in the Sociology of Robert Nisbet
Author
Daniel Chernilo
Publication date
01-08-2015
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Society / Issue 4/2015
Print ISSN: 0147-2011
Electronic ISSN: 1936-4725
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-015-9908-0

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