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2021 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

5. The National and Universal Importance of the Non-violent Policy of Mohandas K. Gandhi

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Abstract

It is a matter of dispute as to whether the attainment of national independence is primarily the result of non-violent actions by the Indians, or of the moderate British colonial policies. Numerous domestic political factors in India and Britain, and above all the weakening of the British Empire as a result of the World Wars, paved the way for the success of the largely non-violent independence movement. Its most important political leader was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. He only rarely took up official positions in the Indian National Congress. Nevertheless he enjoyed authority over the masses. The core element of Gandhi’s way of life is an awareness of one’s responsibility not only for one’s actions, but also of one’s failure to put up resistance against injustice in one’s own environment. Non-cooperation is the primary legal means of non-violent action. Civil disobedience is a stage of escalation of non-violent policies that requires careful preparation and consideration of the risks to the common good that it entails. The basic principles of non-violent social behaviour and Gandhi’s policies have universal significance, particularly in liberal democracies and in dictatorships that are losing their legitimacy in the eyes of a population suffering from injustice.

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Footnotes
1
“If I were to believe in reincarnation, then – with all respect – I would see Christ in Mahatma Gandhi, who had returned to Earth. If I were to believe in the principle of the second coming, I would claim that this event had already occurred in India. … He, too, moves us most deeply with his writings, and like Jesus in the gospels, he lifts us to the greatest heights,” in the introduction to: Gandhi (1924, p. XII, XVI).
 
2
Gandhi frequently complained about being honoured as a Mahatma, or saint. “I think that word ‘saint’ should be ruled out of present life. It is too sacred a word to be lightly applied to anybody, much less to one like myself, who claims only to be a humble searcher after Truth…” See Gandhi (1924: 71, 78).
 
3
I quote these numbers from memory from one of my earlier lectures, although I am currently unable to find written evidence for them.
 
4
In the German version of this text, Ebert (1969: 34) proposed a differentiation between non-violence as the avoidance of violent behaviour on principle and non-violence as the avoidance of violence based on circumstances.
 
5
These and the following quotes can be found in the section “The Notion of Non-Violent Politics” in Jaspers (1960: 63, 65, 67, 68). The translator could not find published translations of the cited phrases. Therefore, the translations are those of the translator of this text.
 
6
Note by the translator: This text was taken from the English original.
 
7
Historical population.
 
8
I quote these numbers from memory from one of my earlier lectures, although I am currently unable to find written evidence to support them. In 1921, Gandhi (1924: 227) spoke of 300 million Indians, including 70 million Muslims, and 100,000 British. In the final decades of the nineteenth century, 140,000 Indians and 70,000 British served in the British-Indian Army, with the British alone occupying the higher officers’ positions, according to Kulke and Rothermund (2006: 325).
 
9
Austria had already been an empire since 1804 (in response to the proclamation of Napoleon as Emperor of France and in anticipation of the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation), while Russia had been an empire since 1721 (as a means of increasing its status over the Holy Roman Empire).
 
10
Gandhi Arun (1981). Kasturbai died before Gandhi, in 1944.
 
11
The four British Crown colonies of Natal, Transvaal, the Orange Free State and the Cape Colony were not combined to form the South African Union until 1910.
 
12
Similar working conditions still exist today in Qatar and other Gulf states.
 
13
See Ruskin (2011). The title refers to the New Testament parable in which the day labourer most recently employed in a vineyard, and who has therefore worked there for the shortest time, is paid the same wage as those who were employed there earlier (Matthew 20). Gandhi translated Ruskin’s book into Gujarat, calling it Sarvodaya (‘the ascent of man’).
 
14
In addition to the autobiography, these include Satyagraha in South Africa (Gandhi 1924, 2017), and Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Gandhi 1909, 2010).
 
15
For example, Karl Jaspers (1960) occasionally examined Gandhi’s political thinking.
 
16
Thoreau (2014).
 
17
In total, 2089 days in Indian prisons and 249 days in South African prisons, according to Fischer (1962: 147).
 
18
Probably the best book about Gandhi is the psychoanalytical study by Erikson (1993). For the religious historical background, see Mühlmann (1950).
 
19
Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (CWMG), 100 (Delhi: Government of India, Publications Division, 1958–1994).
 
20
Rothermund (2002: 74). According to other sources, the number of casualties was 600 (Mann 2005: 87).
 
21
On the treatment of the princely states and above all Kashmir, see Jahn (2015a).
 
22
During their brief period of rule in 1924 and from 1929–1931 the British Social Democrats were already inclined to agree to the Indian demands.
 
23
Mandela (2013: 147, 182). The political context in which Mandela’s views changed is discussed by Limb (2008: 33–62, in comparison with Gandhi: 50). As an example of the uncritical glorification of Mandela, see also Sharma (2014: 25, 138–142).
 
24
Clearly, the pragmatic consideration that the Albanians were in the minority compared to the Serbs, and that above all, they had no weapons, was a decisive factor in Rugova’s policy, as emphasised by Prorok (2004: 93–96). See also Ahmeti (2017).
 
25
“It is not the Hindu religion, which I certainly prize above all other religions, but the religion which transcends Hinduism, which changes one’s very nature, which binds one indissolubly to the truth within and which ever purifies. It is the permanent element in human nature which counts no cost too great in order to find full expression and which leaves the soul utterly restless until it has found itself, known its Maker and appreciated the true correspondence between the Maker and itself.” CWMG (1999), vol. 20: 304.
 
26
Among the supporters of non-violence, there is general agreement that the negative term is not satisfactory, and can also hardly be replaced by the Sanskrit neologism satyagraha. Martin Arnold (2011: 89–94, 36–39) attempts to replace it with the word Gütekraft and to prove that it is appropriate across different cultures and world-views, in different religious and atheistic concepts alike.
 
27
“The only tyrant I accept in this world is the ‘still small voice’ within me.” CWMG (1999), vol. 26: 260.
 
28
“For I do not believe in the exclusive divinity of the Vedas. I believe the Bible, the Koran, and the Zend Avesta to be as much divinely inspired as the Vedas. My belief in the Hindu scriptures does not require me to accept every word and every verse as divinely inspired. Nor do I claim to have any first-hand knowledge of these wonderful books. But I do claim to know and feel the truths of the essential teaching of the scriptures. I decline to be bound by any interpretation, however learned it may be, if it is repugnant to reason or moral sense” CWMG (1999), vol. 24: 371.
 
29
When Gandhi was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment in 1922 due to his call in three newspaper articles for people to join a campaign of non-cooperation and civil disobedience against the existing governmental system, during which terrible acts of violence were committed by Indians against policemen and other representatives of the authorities, he declared that: “The only course open to you, the Judge, is either to resign your post and thus dissociate yourself from evil, if you feel that the law you are called upon to administer is an evil and that in reality I am innocent; or to inflict on me the severest penalty if you believe that the system and the law you are assisting to administer are good for the people of this country and that my activity is, therefore, injurious to the public weal.” CWMG (1999), vol. 26: 385.
 
30
“My non-violence does recognize different species of violence-defensive and offensive. It is true that in the long run the difference is obliterated, but the initial merit persists. A non-violent person is bound, when the occasion arises, to say which side is just. Thus I wished success to the Abyssinians, the Spaniards, the Czechs, the Chinese and the Poles, though in each case I wished that they could have offered non-violent resistance.” Harijan (9 December 1939); at:  https://​www.​mkgandhi.​org/​momgandhi/​chap29.​htm). Quote found in Kraus (1957: 266).
 
31
“I do believe that where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence I would advise violence.” For this reason, Gandhi advised the following: “I advocate training in arms for those who believe in the method of violence. I would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour than that she should in a cowardly manner become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour. But I believe that non-violence is infinitely superior to violence, forgiveness is more manly than punishment. CWMG (1999), vol. 21: 133.
 
32
“If a man fights with his sword single-handed against a horde of dacoits armed to the teeth, I should say he is fighting almost non-violently. Haven’t I said to our women that, if in defence of their honour they used their nails and teeth and even a dagger, 1 should regard their conduct non-violent? She does not know the distinction between Himsa and Ahimsa. She acts spontaneously. Supposing a mouse in fighting a cat tried to resist the cat with his sharp beak, would you call that mouse violent? In the same way, for the Poles to stand valiantly against the German hordes vastly superior in numbers, military equipment and strength, was almost non-violence. … You must give its full value to the word ‘almost’.” Harijan (25 August 1940); CWMG (1999), vol. 79: 121–122.
 
33
See, for example, Alt (1983). More than twenty editions had been published by 2000.
 
34
Ebert (1969, 1984). See also Steinweg and Laubenthal (2011).
 
35
Sharp (1973). Brief instructions for action without any reference to Gandhi are provided by Sharp (2010). This booklet has been translated into thirty-one languages.
 
36
On these movements, see also the lectures “Der zweite Demokratisierungsversuch, in Serbien, Georgien und der Ukraine” (Jahn 2008: 149–165) and “Democratisation or the Restoration of Dictatorship as the Outcome of the Arab Rebellion” (Jahn 2015b: 171–186).
 
37
See the examples of Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda in Zambia, Albert Luthuli in South Africa and Sam Nujoma in Namibia. It is noticeable that all these cases occurred in Anglo-Africa and not in Franco- or Ibero-Africa. Kaunda once said that if he were to be forced to select a colonial power, he would choose the British, “because I would be in a position to go to their country and lead a campaign against their own government” (Sutherland/Meyer 2000: 110).
 
38
See also the Gandhi quote in Erikson (1978: 515) and Rothermund (1997: 503–504).
 
39
The purpose of the Khilafat, i.e. the caliphate movement, supported by Gandhi from 1919–1924, was not primarily to support the Ottoman caliph and his Turkish supporters, but above all to offer solidarity with Indian Muslims. See in detail Rothermund (1997: 133–140, 182–183).
 
40
Sharp (1973, vol. 2) compiled a detailed list of 198 forms or methods of non-violent action.
 
41
A comprehensive analysis of the success and failure of 323 non-violent and violent resistance movements from 1900 to 2006 is provided by Chenoweth/Stephan (2013: 6–7). According to this analysis, during this period, the success rate of non-violent movements has increased, while that of violent ones has declined.
 
42
Some social-geographical factors, such as sparse settlement in mountains and jungles, are doubtless more suited to guerrilla warfare than densely populated locations in urban regions. However, the long civil wars in Beirut, Aleppo and Mosul demonstrate that, even in major cities, war can be conducted over a longer period of time.
 
43
Gandhi certainly did have ideas about a police force that acted non-violently on principle, which countered violent crime without applying violence itself. However, these ideas were never put into practice and will probably have no chance of success in the future either. However, it is possible that the methods used by police for non-lethal suppression (water cannon, police truncheons instead of guns) will be further developed – for example the use of stun guns when dealing with dangerous wild animals.
 
44
Thus, Jürgen Habermas, for example, said: “Every constitutional democracy that is secure in its existence considers civil disobedience as being a normalised, since necessary, part of its political culture.” He also wrote that the constitutional state “must protect and keep alive mistrust against injustice that occurs in legal forms, even though it cannot adopt an institutionally secured form” (Habermas 1985: 81, 87). The contradictions between individual legal norms and in the legal interpretations in the hierarchy of the courts and in public opinion are, according to Dworkin (1984), signs of a very different way of handling breaches of the law in cases of civil disobedience than for criminals and those who violate civil and human rights. Cf. also Dreier (1983) and Rawls (1999: 421): “A general willingness to commit acts of civil disobedience brings stability to a well organised or almost just society”.
 
45
The difficulty of also practising non-violent policies as democratically responsible statesmen following the attainment of national independence has been very clearly demonstrated by Kenneth Kaunda and Julius Nyerere (Sutherland/Meyer 2000: 95–113, 69–89).
 
46
Freedom House 2017: Freedom of the World 2017; at:  https://​freedomhouse.​org/​report/​freedom-world/​freedom-world-2017. As well as the 193 UN member states, Kosovo and the Republic of China (Taiwan) have been included in the list of countries by Freedom House.
 
47
For more detail, see the three lectures on the relationship between the state and the nation, and on nationalism (Jahn 2015b: 13–68).
 
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Metadata
Title
The National and Universal Importance of the Non-violent Policy of Mohandas K. Gandhi
Author
Egbert Jahn
Copyright Year
2021
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62316-6_5

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