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Published in: Society 4/2018

12-06-2018 | Profile

Their Dialectics and Ours

Author: Ben Serby

Published in: Society | Issue 4/2018

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Abstract

This paper chronicles a “missed connection” between the young Herbert Marcuse and his American contemporary, the philosopher Sidney Hook, and finds an unexpected complementarity in their efforts to reinvigorate the Marxist tradition against the backdrop of Stalinism. It examines the two philosophers’ first exchange in the early 1940s, by which time Hook had abandoned both his political and intellectual radicalism. Finally, it shows that the terms of Hook’s objection to Marcuse’s critical theory prefigured the tradtional left’s resistance to Marxist-humanism following the dissemination of Marx’s early manuscripts two decades later.

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Footnotes
1
See Kevin B. Anderson, “On Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory: A Critical Appreciation of Herbert Marcuse’s Reason and Revolution, Fifty Years Later,” Sociological Theory, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Nov., 1993): 254.
 
2
Douglas Kellner, Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 129. See also: Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute for Social Research, 1923-1950 (Boston: Little Brown, 1973), 78; and Anderson, "Hegel," 244.
 
3
In the original preface, Marcuse declares his intention of showing that “Hegel’s basic concepts are hostile to the tendencies that have led into fascist theory and practice” (Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory [Boston: Beacon Press, 1960], xv). Contrary to Sidney Hook’s assertion that Marcuse defended Hegel “before the event” of his association with fascism (Sidney Hook, “Reason and Revolution,” in The New Republic, July 21, 1941: 91), German philosophy had in fact been widely denigrated across the Anglophone world since the First World War. Hence one reviewer’s remark that Hegel “has become popularly known as the glorifier of the Machtstaat… in short, as a bogey forerunner of Nazism” (John H. Herz, “Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory,” American Historical Review, Volume 47, Issue 3 [4/1/1942]: 591).
 
4
See John Abromeit, “Herbert Marcuse’s Critical Encounter with Martin Heidegger, 1927-33,” in John Abromeit and W. Mark Cobb, eds., Herbert Marcuse: A Critical Reader (New York: Routledge, 2004), 138.
 
5
For a critical account of the “pessimistic turn” of the Frankfurt School—one to which Marcuse represents a “partial exception”—see Moishe Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of Marx’s Critical Theory (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 86. See also: Marcuse, “Some Social Implications of Modern Technology,” in Douglas Kellner, ed., Technology, War, and Fascism: Collected Papers of Herbert Marcuse, Volume One (New York: Routledge, 1998), 39-66. This essay illustrates the distance separating Marcuse from the Horkheimer Circle in the early 1940s, for, while critical of instrumental reason, he finds reason to be optimistic about emerging conditions in technological society.
 
6
See Anderson, "Hegel," 244.
 
7
Marcuse, “New Sources on the Foundations of Historical Materialism,” in Richard Wolin and John Abromeit, eds., Heideggerian Marxism: Herbert Marcuse (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 90. Sidney Hook cited this article the following year (Sidney Hook: "Materialism," Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences 10 [1933]: 209-220).
 
8
Marcuse, “Foundations,” 90.
 
9
See Abromeit, “Critical Encounter,” 138.
 
10
Kellner describes Marcuse as responding to a “crisis of Marxism” characterized by both political defeats and the reduction of materialism to a crude dogmatism (Kellner, Crisis, 9).
 
11
Marcuse, Reason, 313.
 
12
See Thomas Wheatland, The Frankfurt School in Exile (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009); and Jay, Dialectical Imagination.
 
13
Marcuse, Reason, 405.
 
14
Quoted in Abromeit and Cobb, Herbert Marcuse, 45.
 
15
Marcuse, Reason, xv.
 
16
Martin Jay describes Marcuse as having “flattered his American audience,” (Jay, Dialectical Imagination, 315).
 
17
See Marcuse, "Some Social Implications of Modern Technology,” in Kellner, Technology, 39-46. This essay clearly contradicts the mistaken idea that the Frankfurt School exiles took little notice of intellectual developments in the United States (see Wheatland, Exile, 85).
 
18
See Edward A. Purcell, Jr., The Crisis of Democratic Theory: Scientific Naturalism and the Problem of Value (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1973). I am using his concept of scientific naturalism as a philosophical approach that abjures a priori deduction from abstract principles in favor concrete, empirical investigation.
 
19
For an insightful discussion of this conceptual transformation, see Christopher Phelps, Young Sidney Hook: Marxist and Pragmatist (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 7.
 
20
Sidney Hook, “Reason and Revolution,” The Living Age 360 (Aug. 1941): 594.
 
21
Ibid. Hook overlooked the fact that Marcuse had actually asserted a historical and contingent relationship between empiricism and conservatism by pointing out that scientific reason originally played a fundamental role in the emancipatory overthrow of superstition, religious authority, and the feudal social order. For a more succinct version of this argument, see: Marcuse, “Theory of Valuation,” Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung 9 (1941): 144-48.
 
22
Hook, “Reason and Revolution,” The New Republic (July 21, 1941): 91. Marcuse’s other reviewers, many of whom were on the Left, rejected the anti-empiricist thrust of the book. V.J. McGill, for instance—an editor of the Marxist journal Science and Society—argued that Nazi ideology is better characterized as the suppression and denial of empirical evidence rather than as submission to scientific facts and methods. “It should be remembered,” he wrote, “that positivism has been attacked by the Nazis far more frequently and vehemently than has Hegel,” (V.J. McGill, “Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory,” Journal of Philosophy Vol. 52, Issue 18 [9/1/1955]: 502).
 
23
Christopher Phelps remarks that Hook helped to initiate “a revolt against formalism within American Marxism,” (Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 89); See also: Cristiano Camporesi, “The Marxism of Sidney Hook,” Telos 12 (Summer 1972): 115.
 
24
See Sidney Hook, Towards the Understanding of Karl Marx: A Revolutionary Interpretation (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2002), especially ch. 4.
 
25
See Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 44-51.
 
26
For instance, Hook praised Lukács for “[doing] justice to the dialectical aspect of Marx’s thought," (Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx: Studies in the Intellectual Development of Karl Marx [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962], 60).
 
27
See: Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 82.
 
28
Hook, Understanding, 114.
 
29
See Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 126.
 
30
Hook, “Communism Without Dogmas,” in Charles Capper and David A. Hollinger, The American Intellectual Tradition, Vol. II: 1865 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 237.
 
31
For an eloquent and subtle elaboration of this argument, see: Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 210-215.
 
32
Sidney Hook, “The Failure of the Left,” Partisan Review 10 (March-April 1943): 168. See also: Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 221-225.
 
33
Hook, From Hegel to Marx, 1.
 
34
Ibid, 6.
 
35
Ibid, 9.
 
36
See Louis Althusser, For Marx, trans. Ben Brewster (New York: Verso, 2005); and Lucio Colletti, “From Hegel to Marcuse,” in From Rousseau to Lenin: Studies in Ideology and Society, trans. John Merrington and Judith White (New York: Monthly Review Books, 1972).
 
37
Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (New York: Free Press, 1962), 365.
 
38
Lewis S. Feuer, Marx and the Intellectuals: A Set of Post-Ideological Essays (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1969), 99.
 
39
For more on this point, see also: Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 214.
 
40
See Phelps, Young Sidney Hook, 232. See also: Benjamin Serby, “Recalling Lewis Feuer,” Society, Vol. 50, Issue 4 (Aug. 2013): 356-359.
 
41
Quoted in Anderson, “Hegel,” 258.
 
42
See Grace Lee Boggs, “C.L.R. James: Organizing in the USA, 1938-1953,” in Selwyn R. Cudjoe and William E. Cain, eds., C.L.R. James: His Intellectual Legacies (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995), 170.
 
43
See Kevin B. Anderson, “The Marcuse-Dunayevskaya Dialogue, 1954-1979,” in Studies on Soviet Thought, Vol. 39, Issue 2 (March 1, 1990): 89; Kevin B. Anderson and Russell Rockwell, eds., The Dunayevskaya-Marcuse-Fromm Correspondence, 1954-1978: Dialogues on Hegel, Marx, and Critical Theory (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012); and Anderson, “Hegel.” See also, C.L.R. James, Notes on Dialectics: Hegel, Marx, Lenin (London: Pluto Press, 2005).
 
44
Raya Dunayevskaya, Marxism and Freedom, From 1776 Until Today (NJ: Humanities Press, 1982), 18.
 
45
Ibid., 22.
 
Metadata
Title
Their Dialectics and Ours
Author
Ben Serby
Publication date
12-06-2018
Publisher
Springer US
Published in
Society / Issue 4/2018
Print ISSN: 0147-2011
Electronic ISSN: 1936-4725
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s12115-018-0268-4

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