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2019 | OriginalPaper | Chapter

2. Contemporary Approaches to Human Trafficking

Author : Jennifer K. Lobasz

Published in: Constructing Human Trafficking

Publisher: Springer International Publishing

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Abstract

Chapter two argues that sociopolitical problems such as human trafficking should be understood instead as political problematizations. It introduces five conventional problematizations of trafficking in the scholarly and policy literature: (1) trafficking as a security problem; (2) trafficking as a human rights problem; (3) trafficking as a gender problem; (4) trafficking as a migration problem; and (5) trafficking as a labor problem. This chapter demonstrates that the distinctions drawn among the various problematizations are political rather than technical or empirical, and reflect competing values, interests, and worldviews. It further contends that problematizations of trafficking drive allocations of government and NGO resources, create hierarchies of victims, participate in the production of subjects (i.e., “selves” and “others”) and re-entrenchment or challenging of stereotypes, and normalize exploitative practices deemed not to count as instances of human trafficking. Chapter two concludes with an alternative, feminist approach that seeks to denaturalize dominant constructions.

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Footnotes
1
Guri Tyldum and Anette Brunovskis, “Describing the Unobserved: Methodological Challenges in Empirical Studies on Human Trafficking,” International Migration 43, no. 1/2 (2005): 31.
 
2
Ann D. Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol,” (Washington, DC: International Human Rights Law Group, 2002), 4; Julie Mertus and Andrea Bertone, “Combating Trafficking: International Efforts and Their Ramifications,” in Human Traficking, Human Security, and the Balkans, ed. H. Richard Friman and Simon Reich (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007), 44; and Joanna Apap, Peter Cullen, and Felicita Medved, “Counteracting Human Trafficking: Protecting the Victims of Trafficking” (paper presented at the European Conference on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings, Brussels, September 18–20, 2002).
 
3
Annuska Derks, Combatting Trafficking in South-East Asia: A Review of Policy and Program Responses (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 2000).
 
4
I borrow the notion of trafficking problematizations from Claudia Aradau, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics Out of Security (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
 
5
Neil Abercrombie, “Remarks on Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000,” (Washington, DC: U.S. House of Representatives, 2000), H2686.
 
6
See Claudia Aradau, “The Perverse Politics of Four-Letter Words: Risk and Pity in the Securitization of Human Trafficking,” Millennium Journal of International Studies 33, no. 2 (2004); Jacqueline Berman, “(Un)Popular Strangers and Crises (Un)Bounded: Discourses of Sex-trafficking, the European Political Community and the Panicked State of the Modern State,” European Journal of International Relations 9, no. 1 (2003).
 
7
See Mark Laffey and Jutta Weldes, “Beyond Belief: Ideas and Symbolic Technologies in the Study of International Relations,” ibid. 3, no. 2 (1997): 218–19.
 
8
Fiona B. Adamson, “Crossing Borders: International Migration and National Security,” International Security 31, no. 1 (2006): 176. See also Apap, Cullen, and Medved, 8; Willy Bruggeman, “Illegal Immigration and Trafficking in Human Beings Seen as a Security Problem for Europe” (ibid.); Luis CdeBaca, “Question and Answer on Human Trafficking,” U.S. Department of State, accessed December 1, 2010, http://​www.​state.​gov/​g/​tip/​rls/​rm/​2010/​141642.​htm; Government Accountability Office, “A Strategic Framework Could Help Enhance the Interagency Collaboration Needed to Effectively Combat Trafficking Crimes,” (2007), 18; Wyn Rees, “Organised Crime, Security and the European Union: Draft Paper for the ESRC Workshop, Grenoble,” European Consortium for Political Research, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​essex.​ac.​uk/​ecpr/​events/​jointsessions/​paperarchive/​grenoble/​ws8/​rees.​pdf; Louise I. Shelley, “Transnational Organized Crime: An Imminent Threat to the Nation-State?,” Journal of International Affairs 48, no. 2 (1995); and White House Office of the Press Secretary, “Fact Sheet on Migrant Smuggling and Trafficking,” (2000).
 
9
This convention is known as the Palermo Convention after the Italian city in which it was signed. Within the anti-trafficking community, the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children may be referred to as the Palermo Protocol or the Trafficking Protocol.
 
10
Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol.”
 
11
Ratna Kapur, “Cross-Border Movments and the Law: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Difference,” in Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New Perspectives on Migration, Sex Work and Human Rights, ed. Kamala Kempadoo, Jyoti Sanghera, and Bandana Pattanaik (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2005), 31. See also Karen E. Bravo, “Exploring the Analogy between Modern Trafficking in Humans and the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade,” Boston University International Law Journal 25 (2007): 224.
 
12
Kamala Kempadoo, “From Moral Panic to Social Justice: Changing Perspectives on Trafficking,” in Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New Perspectives on Migration, Sex Work and Human Rights, ed. Kamala Kempadoo, Jyoti Sanghera, and Bandana Pattanaik (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2005), xiii. See also Anne Gallagher, “Trafficking, Smuggling and Human Rights: Tricks and Treaties,” Forced Migration Review 12 (2002): 936.
 
13
Janice G. Raymond, “Prostitution as Violence against Women: NGO Stonewalling in Beijing and Elsewhere,” Women’s Studies International Forum 21, no. 1 (1998): 5.
 
14
Kevin Bales, Understanding Global Slavery (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 125. See also European Union, “Fighting Trafficking in Human Beings: An Integrated Approach and Proposals for an Action Plan,” Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​europa.​eu.​int/​eur-lex/​lex/​LexUriServ/​LexUriServ.​do?​uri=​COM:​2005:​0514:​FIN:​EN:​PDF.
 
15
Louise I. Shelley, “Trafficking in Women: The Business Model Approach,” Brown Journal of World Affairs X, no. 1 (2003): 121.
 
16
Ibid., 123.
 
17
Ibid.
 
18
Ibid., 124.
 
19
James O. Finckenauer, “Russian Transnational Organized Crime and Human Trafficking,” in Global Human Smuggling: Comparative Perspectives, ed. David Kyle and Rey Koslowski (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 172. See also Janice G. Raymond, “Guide to the New Un Trafficking Protocol” (North Amherst, MA: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 2001), 2.
 
20
Jyoti Sanghera, “Unpacking the Trafficking Discourse,” in Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered: New Perspectives on Migration, Sex Work and Human Rights, ed. Kamala Kempadoo, Jyoti Sanghera, and Bandana Pattanaik (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2005), 14. See also Anthony M. DeStefano, The War on Human Trafficking: U.S. Policy Assessed (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2007), 20.
 
21
Finckenauer, 168. According to the Palermo Convention, “‘Organized criminal group’ shall mean a structured group of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offences established in accordance with this Convention, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit” (Article 2). In contrast, Finckenauer defines “organized crime” in much narrower terms, stating that “if organized crime is so loosely or ambiguously defined as to encompass practically any crimes committed by, say, three or more persons, then it is a meaningless concept.” Ibid., 169. See, however, Shelley, “Transnational Organized Crime: An Imminent Threat to the Nation-State?,” 464.
 
22
Finckenauer, 170.
 
23
Sanghera, 16.
 
24
See Anna M. Agathangelou, The Global Political Economy of Sex: Desire, Violence, and Insecurity in Mediterranean Nation States (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004); Ann D. Jordan, “Human Rights or Wrongs? The Struggle for a Rights-Based Response to Trafficking in Human Beings,” Gender & Development 10, no. 1 (2002): 30.
 
25
Adamson, 165. See also International Labor Organization, “Forced Labor, Child Labor, and Human Trafficking in Europe: An ILO Perspective” (paper presented at the European Conference on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings, Geneva, September 18–22 2002), 3–4; and Joanna Apap, Peter Cullen, and Felicita Medved, “Counteracting Human Trafficking: Protecting the Victims of Trafficking” (ibid. Brussels, September 18–20).
 
26
Rees.
 
27
George Katrougalos, “The Rights of Foreigners and Immigrants in Europe: Recent Trends,” Web Journal of Current Legal Issues, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​webjcli.​ncl.​ac.​uk/​articles5/​katart5.​html. The Schengen area refers to the geographical territory of the states agreeing to the Schengen conventions of 1985 and 1995, which were incorporated into EU law by the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam. The conventions abolish internal border controls between signatories.
 
28
Jeff Huysmans, “The European Union and the Securitization of Migration,” Journal of Common Market Studies 38, no. 5 (2000).
 
29
European Union.
 
30
The three threats refer to “human smuggling, trafficking in persons, and criminal support of clandestine terrorist travel.” “Report to Congress on the Establishment of the Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center” (Washington, DC, 2005), 11.
 
31
Ibid. The HSTC was authorized under Section 7202 of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (IRTPA), a bill that was itself written to implement recommendations of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (the 9/11 Commission).
 
32
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “Fact Sheet: Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center,” accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​ice.​gov/​news/​library/​factsheets/​hstc.​htm.
 
33
See, e.g., Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams, “Broadening the Agenda of Security Studies: Politics and Methods,” Mershon International Studies Review 40, no. 2 (1996); Jessica Tuchman Mathews, “Redefining Security,” Foreign Affairs 68, no. 2 (1989). A small number of notable calls to rethink the concept of security preceded the end of the Cold War, notably Arnold Wolfers, “‘National Security’ as an Ambiguous Symbol,” Political Science Quarterly 67, no. 4 (1952); and Richard H. Ullman, “Redefining Security,” International Security 8, no. 1 (1983).
 
34
J. Ann Tickner, Gendering World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 48.
 
35
The two problematizations need not be mutually exclusive. Aradau and Berman each call into question the extent to which human rights/humanitarian approaches to trafficking challenge rather than supplement or strengthen state security approaches and governmental apparatuses. Berman; Aradau, “The Perverse Politics of Four-Letter Words: Risk and Pity in the Securitization of Human Trafficking.”; Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics out of Security. Likewise, according to Bravo, “Both the international and the U.S. domestic instruments evidence a mix of law enforcement and human rights concerns.” Bravo, 230.
 
36
See Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slavery (New York: New York University Press, 1979). This is not to say that human rights problematizations of trafficking are necessarily feminist. Feminists are unique in their insistence upon the necessity of gender as a category of analysis. Further, they not only establish women as a referent of security and focus on gender-related human rights abuses but also, and perhaps more significantly, study the manner in which gender stereotypes are used to establish and reproduce categories of practices, perpetrators, and victims.
 
37
Elaine Pearson, Human Rights and Trafficking in Persons: A Handbook (Bangkok: Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, 2000), 42–43.
 
38
Harold Koh, Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights of the Committee on International Relations, Hearing on Trafficking of Women and Children in the International Sex Trade, 106th Cong. 1st session, September 14, 1999, 9.
 
39
Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice, 2nd ed. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002), 22. See also Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
 
40
Aradau, “The Perverse Politics of Four-Letter Words: Risk and Pity in the Securitization of Human Trafficking,” 253; Janie Chuang, “The United States as Global Sheriff: Using Unilateral Sanctions to Combat Human Trafficking,” Michigan Journal of International Law 27 (2005/2006): 446; and Mertus and Bertone, 44.
 
41
Janice G. Raymond and Donna M. Hughes, “Sex Trafficking of Women in the United States: International and Domestic Trends” (New York: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 2001).
 
42
DeStefano, 21. See also Christopher H. Smith, “Remarks on Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000” (Washington, DC: U.S. House of Representatives, 2000), H2684.
 
43
Berman; Jo Goodey, “Sex Trafficking in Women from Central and East European Countries: Promoting a ‘Victimcentered’ and ‘Womancentered’ Approach to Criminal Justice Intervention,” Feminist Review 2006 (2004).
 
44
United Nations, “Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children,” accessed June 6, 2018, http://​www.​ohchr.​org/​EN/​Issues/​Trafficking/​Pages/​TraffickingIndex​.​aspx.
 
45
United Nations General Assembly, “Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime,” accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​unhcr.​org/​refworld/​docid/​4720706c0.​html.
 
46
Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol.”
 
47
Jennifer K. Lobasz, “Beyond Border Security: Feminist Approaches to Human Trafficking,” Security Studies 18, no. 2 (2009).
 
48
Berman, 37. See also Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol,” 4.
 
49
United States Department of State, “Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000: Trafficking in Persons Report,” accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​state.​gov/​g/​tip/​rls/​tiprpt/​2004/​.
 
50
Ali Miller and Alison N. Stewart, “Report from the Roundtable on the Meaning of ‘Trafficking in Persons’: A Human Rights Perspective,” Women’s Rights Law Reporter 20, no. 1 (1998): 13.
 
51
Md. Shahidul Haque, “Ambiguities and Confusions in Migration-Trafficking Nexus: A Development Challenge,” in Trafficking and the Global Sex Industry, ed. Delika Amir and Karen Beeks (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006), 6; Quirk, 191.
 
52
Quirk identifies (1) transit, (2) technique, and (3) terms of exploitation as the Trafficking Protocol’s three categories of qualifying conditions, noting that “one condition from each of these categories is required.” 192–93.
 
53
“Traffic, N.,” OED Online (Oxford University Press, 2011), accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​oed.​com/​view/​Entry/​204333?​rskey=​QD1HFv&​result=​1&​isAdvanced=​false. Emphasis added. The entry goes on to note that connotations range from neutral to highly negative.
 
54
“Traffic, V.,” OED Online (Oxford University Press, 2011), accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​oed.​com/​view/​Entry/​204333?​rskey=​QD1HFv&​result=​1&​isAdvanced=​false.
 
55
Miller and Stewart.
 
56
Ibid., 14.
 
57
Ibid., 15.
 
58
Aradau, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics Out of Security, 21; Frank Laczko, “Data and Research on Human Trafficking,” International Migration 43, no. 1–2 (2005): 10.
 
59
United Nations, “Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Crime,” (G.A. Res. 55/25, annex III, U.N. GAOR, 55th Sess., Supp. No. 49, at 65, U.N. Doc. A/45/49, 2001).
 
60
Moisés Naím, Illicit: How Smugglers, Traffickers, and Copycats Are Hijacking the Global Economy (Doubleday, 2005), 89.
 
61
Adam Graycar, “Trafficking in Human Beings” (paper presented at the International Conference on Migration, Culture and Crime, Israel, 1999), 2. See also Haque.
 
62
Quirk, 101.
 
63
Apap, Cullen, and Medved.
 
64
Nicholas D. Kristof, “The Evil Behind the Smiles,” The New York Times, January 1, 2009.
 
65
“Raiding a Brothel in India,” The New York Times, May 25, 2011.
 
66
H. Richard Friman and Simon Reich, “Human Trafficking and the Balkans,” in Human Traficking, Human Security, and the Balkans, ed. H. Richard Friman and Simon Reich (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007), 8. See also DeStefano on his three-year series in Newsday, “Smuggled for Sex.” DeStefano, xvii.
 
67
DeStefano, 37.
 
68
Ibid., 37–38.
 
69
Raymond and Hughes, 2.
 
70
See, e.g., Bales; John R. Miller, “Call It Slavery,” Wilson Quarterly 32, no. 3 (2008); E. Benjamin Skinner, A Crime So Monstrous: Face-to-Face with Modern-Day Slavery (New York: Free Press, 2009).
 
71
Quirk, 186; Bravo, 121.
 
72
Miller and Stewart, 14.
 
73
Eileen Scully, “Pre-Cold War Traffic in Sexual Labor and Its Foes: Some Contemporary Lessons,” in Global Human Smuggling: Comparative Perspectices, ed. David Kyle and Rey Koslowski (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 2001), 75. According to Scully, “The pre-Cold War history of forced migratory prostitution comprised three distinct periods: (1) the 1840s to about 1895; (2) the late 1890s to World War I; (3) 1919 through World War II.” Ibid.
 
74
Ibid., 84.
 
75
Margit Stange, Personal Property: Wives, White Slaves, and the Market in Women (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); Gretchen Soderlund, “Covering Urban Vice: The New York Times, “White Slavery ,” and the Construction of Journalistic Knowledge,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 19, no. 4 (2002).
 
76
Scully, 84. See also Kempadoo, x–xi.
 
77
The Cultivation of Resentment: Treaty Rights and the New Right (Stanford: Stanford University Press).
 
78
Ibid. On the non-abolitionist character of the 1904 and 1910 legislation see Jo Doezema, “Who Gets to Choose? Coercion, Consent, and the UN Trafficking Protocol,” Gender and Development 10, no. 1 (2002): 23.
 
79
See also “Loose Women or Lost Women? The Re-emergence of the Myth of ‘White Slavery ’ in Contemporary Discourses of ‘Trafficking in Women’,” Gender Issues 18, no. 1 (2000); Frederick Grittner, “Prostitutes in History: From Parables in Pornography to Metaphors of Modernity,” The American Historical Review 140 (1990); Mary Ann Irwin, “‘White Slavery ’ as Metaphor: Anatomy of a Moral Panic,” Ex Post Facto: The History Journal 5 (1996), accessed September 29, 2009, http://​userwww.​sfsu.​edu/​~epf/​1996/​wslavery.​html; Stephanie A. Limoncelli, The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2010); and Soderlund; Judith R. Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State (Cambridge University Press, 1982); Irwin.
 
80
Dudgeon V. United Kingdom, Council of Europe. See also Emek M. Uçarer, “Trafficking in Women: Alternate Migration or Modern Slave Trade,” in Gender Politics in Global Governance, ed. Mary K. Meyer and Elisabeth Prügl (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999).
 
81
Dudgeon V. United Kingdom.
 
82
Kentucky V. Wasson, 842 Kentucky 487 (1992).
 
83
The Rules of Sociological Method (New York: The Free Press).
 
84
“Human Rights and the Triumph of the Individual in World Culture,” Cultural Sociology 1, no. 3. See also Andrea M. Bertone, “Transnational Activism to Combat Trafficking in Persons,” Brown Journal of World Affairs 10, no. 2 (2004): 10.
 
85
Kevin Bales, “The Social Psychology of Modern Slavery,” Scientific American 286, no. 4 (2002): 126
 
86
Aradau, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics Out of Security, 12.
 
87
Raymond, “Guide to the New Un Trafficking Protocol”; Melissa Ditmore and Marjan Wijers, “The Negotiations on the UN Protocol on Trafficking in Persons,” Nemesis 4 (2003); Jo Doezema, “Now You See Her, Now You Don’t: Sex Workers at the UN Trafficking Protocol Negotiation,” Social & Legal Studies 14, no. 1 (2005); and Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol,” 8.
 
88
See, e.g., Barry; Sheila Jeffreys, “Trafficking in Women Versus Prostitution: A False Distinction,” in Townsville International Women’s Conference (Australia, 2002); Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “Prostitution: A Modern Form of Slavery,” in Making the Harm Visible: Global Sexual Exploitation of Women and Girls, ed. Donna M. Hughes and Claire M. Roche (Kingston, RI: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 1999); and Raymond, “Prostitution as Violence against Women: Ngo Stonewalling in Beijing and Elsewhere.”
 
89
In the quoted excerpt, Kempadoo specifically refers to poor women of color. While acknowledging that men and boys are also trafficked, she states that critical “reformulations of the concept of trafficking—to encompass a gendered quality of labor migration, exploitation, and oppression—combine with the knowledge that women are disproportionately represented among the poor, the undocumented, the debt-bonded, and the international migrant workforce, which leads to a continual foregrounding of women’s lives and experiences.” ix.
 
90
Critics of abolitionism generally prefer the terminology of “sex work” and “sex workers” to “prostitution” and “prostitutes” or “prostituted women.” “[Sex worker] is a term that suggests we view prostitution not as an identity—a social or psychological characteristic of women, often indicated by “whore”—but as an income-generating activity or form of labor for women and men. The definition stresses the social location of those engaged in sex industries as working people.” Kamala Kempadoo, “Introduction: Globalizing Sex Workers’ Rights,” in Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema (New York: Routledge, 1998), 3.
 
91
Bravo, 236.
 
92
Elzbieta M. Gozdziak and Elizabeth A. Collett, “Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature,” International Migration 43, no. 1–2 (2005): 117.
 
93
Government Accountability Office, “Human Trafficking: Better Data, Strategy, and Reporting Needed to Enhance U.S. Antitrafficking Efforts Abroad,” (2006), 15.
 
94
Liz Kelly, “‘You Can Find Anything You Want’: A Critical Reflection on Research on Trafficking in Persons within and into Europe,” International Migration 43, no. 1/2 (2005). See, e.g., Finnegan; Kristof, “The Evil Behind the Smiles.”; Peter Landesman, “The Girls Next Door,” ibid., 25 January 2004; Kathryn Jean Lopez, “Sexual Gulags: Facing and Fighting Sex Trafficking,” National Review Online; Michael Specter, “Traffickers’ New Cargo: Naïve Slavic Women,” The New York Times, January 11, 1998. For one notable exception, see Christine Evans et al., “Modern Day Slavery: A Palm Beach Post Special Report,” The Palm Beach Post 2003.
 
95
On sex-positive feminism and sex workers’ rights organizations, see Wendy Chapkis, Live Sex Acts: Women Performing Erotic Labor (New York: Routledge, 1997); Jill Nagle, ed. Whores and Other Feminists (New York: Routledge, 1997); and Carol Vance, ed. Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality (New York: Pandora Press, 1989). Prominent sex worker advocacy groups and unions include COYOTE (Call Off Your Old Tired Ethics) in the United States, the Scarlet Alliance in Australia, the Red Thread in the Netherlands, Hydra and Hookers United (HGW) in Germany, the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC) in India, the Association of Women Prostitutes of Argentina (ANMAR), the Democratic Coalition of Sex Workers in Korea, the International Committee for the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe, the Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers, the Network of Sex Work Projects, the International Union of Sex Workers, the International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights, and The International Prostitutes’ Collective. Gregor Gall, Sex Worker Union Organizing: An International Study (Houndsmills, Basingstroke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
 
96
Alison Murray, “Debt Bondage and Trafficking: Don’t Believe the Hype,” in Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema (New York: Routledge, 1998), 98. It should be noted, however, that sex workers’ rights proponents are divided on the question of whether “trafficking” is or has the potential to be a politically useful category for addressing worker exploitation. Rights activists disagree about the trade-offs entailed in connecting their political projects to anti-trafficking efforts; Soderlund identifies a split between “those who believed forced sex trafficking was a worthy object of political intervention and those who felt intensive campaigns against trafficking necessarily undermined efforts to secure sex worker rights.” Gretchen Soderlund, “Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition,” NWSA Journal 17, no. 3 (2005): 70. See also Jo Doezema, “Forced to Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy,” in Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, ed. Kamala Kempadoo and Jo Doezema (New York: Routledge, 1998).
 
97
Jo Bindman, “An International Perspective on Slavery in the Sex Industry,” ibid., 65. See also Jo Doezema, “Forced to Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy,” ibid., 42.
 
98
Priscilla Alexander, “Feminism, Sex Workers, and Human Rights,” in Whores and Other Feminists, ed. Jill Nagle (New York: Routledge, 1997). On the controversial issue of “choice,” Sharon Bell clarifies, “Prostitutes’ rights groups do not claim that prostitution is a free choice; they claim that it is as free a choice as other choices make in a capitalist, patriarchal, and racist system.” Shannon Bell, Reading, Writing, and Rewriting the Prostitute Body (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 111. See also Chapkis, 49.
 
99
According to Batstone, the nascent anti-trafficking community in California was horrified by the U.S. government’s treatment of the El Monte victims: “After the intervention at El Monte, Secretary of Labor Robert Reich called it ‘the worst case of slavery in America’s recent history.’ Nevertheless, the multiagency strike force that raided the compound treated the victims like illegal aliens. Having survived seven years of enslavement, the women now had to endure another form of captivity—behind bars and forced to wear prison uniforms. Their treatment sent a horrible message to slaves held anywhere in the United States, supporting the slaveholders’ warning: ‘Report us to the authorities, and you will be the ones thrown in jail.’” Not for Sale: The Return of the Global Slave Tradeand How We Can Fight It (San Francisco: Harper Collins, 2007), 237.
 
100
Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, Hearings on International Trafficking in Women and Children: Prosecution, Testimonies, and Prevention, 106th Cong. 2nd session, February 22 and April 4, 2000, 76–77. Regarding the California case, see also Bill Wallace, “70 Immigrants Found in Raid on Sweatshop: Thai Workers Tell Horror Stories of Captivity,” The San Francisco Chronicle, August 4, 1995. Regarding the New York case, see also DeStefano, 6; Deborah Sontag, “Deaf Mexicans Are Found in Forced Labor,” The New York Times, June 20, 1997.
 
101
Hearings on International Trafficking in Women and Children: Prosecution, Testimonies, and Prevention, 76–77. See also Amy Driscoll, “Federal Task Force Seeks to Root out Involuntary Servitude,” The Miami Herald, July 11, 1999.
 
102
International Labor Organization, ILO Action against Trafficking in Human Beings (Geneva: International Labor Office, 2008), 29.
 
103
Ibid.
 
104
I borrow the term from Keck and Sikkink. ibid. Others refer to similar groups of actors as “transnational civil society.” See Richard Price, “Transnational Civil Society and Advocacy in World Politics,” World Politics 55 (2003).
 
105
By no means should this claim be read as dismissive of earlier IR feminist research on global sex industries and forced prostitution such as Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches & Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Christine B. N. Chin, In Service and Servitude: Foreign Female Domestic Workers and the Malaysian ‘Modernity’ Project (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988); Katharine H. S. Moon, Sex among Allies: Military Prostitution in U.S.-Korea Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997); and Agathangelou. I am making a rather narrower claim about the self-described “human trafficking literature.”
 
106
See, e.g. Laura Gómez-Mera, “Regime Complexity and Global Governance: The Case of Trafficking in Persons,” European Journal of International Relations 22, no. 3 (2016); Hannah E. Britton and Laura A. Dean, “Policy Responses to Human Trafficking in Southern Africa: Domesticating International Norms,” Human Rights Review (2014); and Gillian Wylie, The International Politics of Human Trafficking (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).
 
107
Andrea M. Bertone, “Sexual Trafficking in Women: International Political Economy and the Politics of Sex,” Gender Issues 18, no. 1 (2000); “Transnational Activism to Combat Trafficking in Persons”; “Human Trafficking on the International and Domestic Agendas: Examining the Role of Transnational Advocacy Networks between Thailand and United States” (University of Maryland, 2008).
 
108
“Transnational Activism to Combat Trafficking in Persons,” 13.
 
109
Keck and Sikkink, 12.
 
110
Birgit Locher, Trafficking in Women in the European Union: Norms, Advocacy-Networks and Policy-Change, 1. Aufl. ed. (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2007), Thesis (doctoral) - Universität Bremen, 2002.
 
111
Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, “International Norm Dynamics and Political Change,” International Organization 52, no. 4 (1998).
 
112
Locher, 27.
 
113
See also Alison Brysk, “Beyond Framing and Shaming,” Journal of Human Security 5, no. 3 (2009); Alison Brysk and Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick, eds., From Human Trafficking to Human Rights: Reframing Contemporary Slavery (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012).
 
114
Volha Charnysh, Paulette Lloyd, and Beth Simmons, “Frames and Consensus Formation in International Relations: The Case of Trafficking in Persons,” European Journal of International Relations 21, no. 2 (2014).
 
115
See, e.g., Aradau, Rethinking Trafficking in Women: Politics Out of Security; Berman; Asif Efrat, “Global Efforts against Human Trafficking: The Misguided Conflation of Sex, Labor, and Organ Trafficking,” International Studies Perspectives 17, no. 1 (2016); Alex Kreidenweis and Natalie F. Hudson, “More Than a Crime: Re-imaging Anti-trafficking Policy,” ibid. 16 (2015); Joel Quirk, The Anti-slavery Project: From the Slave Trade to Human Trafficking (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011).
 
116
Efrat.
 
117
Ibid., 34.
 
118
Ibid., 37.
 
119
Quirk, “Trafficked into Slavery”; The Anti-Slavery Project: From the Slave Trade to Human Trafficking.
 
120
Efrat, 40, emphasis in the original.
 
121
Ibid., 36.
 
122
Ibid., 37.
 
123
David Kyle and Rey Koslowski, “Introduction,” in Global Human Smuggling: Comparative Perspectives, ed. David Kyle and Rey Koslowski (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 2001), 6.
 
124
Aradau and Berman are notable exceptions.
 
125
Ann E. Towns, Women and States: Norms and Hierarchies in International Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 17, 34–40.
 
126
Jutta Weldes, “Bureaucratic Politics: A Critical Constructivist Assessment,” Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 2 (1998): 217. See also Jutta Weldes et al., “Introduction: Constructing Insecurity,” in Cultures of Insecurity: States, Communities and the Production of Danger (‎Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 13.
 
127
See, however, Patrick Thaddeus Jackson, “The Present as History,” in The Oxford Handbook of Contextual Political Analysis, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Charles Tilly (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 493–96; Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Ian Hacking, The Social Construction of What? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).
 
128
See, e.g., Brysk.
 
129
Wendy Brown, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 32.
 
130
Michael N. Barnett and Raymond Duvall, “Power in International Politics,” International Organization 59, no. 1 (2005): 55.
 
131
Michel Foucault, “Questions of Method,” in Power, ed. James D. Faubion (New York: The New Press, [1978] 1994), 290. See also Ole Jacob Sending and Iver B. Neumann, “Governance to Governmentality: Analyzing Ngos, States, and Power,” International Studies Quarterly 50 (2006): 258.
 
132
221. See also Chantal Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox (Brooklyn: Verso, 2000), 21.
 
133
As Towns writes, “In dramatic contrast with world polity and norms scholarship, which largely adopts realist understandings of power, discursive power is understood very broadly as productive social practices and structures of meaning that create the conditions of possibility of various international actors and modes of behavior.” Towns, 35. Emphasis in the original. See also Judith Butler, Undoing Gender (New York: Routledge, 2004); Sandra Bartky, “Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power,” in Feminist Social Thought, ed. Diana Tietjens Meyers (New York: Routledge, 1997).
 
134
Brown, 24, 34. See also Chris Brown, “‘Turtles All the Way Down’: Anti-foundationalism, Critical Theory and International Relations,” Millennium, no. 23 (1994): 216; James Ferguson, The Anti-politics Machine: “Development,” Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
 
135
Quirk, “Trafficked into Slavery,” 182.
 
136
A point Brysk recognizes while still, I contend, minimizing its implications. Alison Brysk, “Sex as Slavery? Understanding Private Wrongs,” Human Rights Review 12, no. 3 (2011).
 
137
See, e.g., Bronwyn Leebaw, “The Politics of Impartial Activism: Humanitarianism and Human Rights,” Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 2 (2007): 226; Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
 
138
Brown, for example, describes hate speech codes as policies, born of social critique, that become reactionary and anti-political “insofar as [they seek] to preempt argument with a legislated and enforced truth.” Wendy Brown, Politics Out of History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 35.
 
139
Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language, trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 22.
 
140
Weldes et al., 20.
 
141
Neta C. Crawford, “Understanding Discourse: A Method of Ethical Argument Analysis,” Qualitative Methods: Newsletter of the American Political Science Association Organized Section on Qualitative Methods 2, no. 1 (2004): 22.
 
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Metadata
Title
Contemporary Approaches to Human Trafficking
Author
Jennifer K. Lobasz
Copyright Year
2019
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91737-5_2