4. “Especially Women and Children”

Joseph Berger, “Sex Trafficking Arrests Are Few, Despite Laws,” The New York Times, December 4, 2009.

Quoted in ibid.

In addition to directing the Center for Battered Women’s Legal Services at Sanctuary for Families in New York, Leidholdt is a founding member of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW). “Biography of Dorchen A. Leidholdt,” Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​catwinternationa​l.​org/​bio_​DorchenLeidholdt​.​php.

I also question Leidholdt’s assumptions that (1) women in brothels are necessarily prostitutes (as opposed to managers, owners, waitresses, bartenders, cleaners, clients, or researchers); (2) “frightened immigrant women” are readily identifiable as such; and (3) women in brothels are frightened because they have been trafficked, and not because they fear deportation, jail, or public shaming.

The notion that having obtained a doctorate in Political Science might confer a special ability to identify trafficked persons is questionable, to say the least.

Kathleen Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality (New York: New York University Press, 1995), 79.

Patrick Thaddeus Jackson and Daniel H. Nexon, “Relations before States,” European Journal of International Relations 5, no. 3 (1999): 296–97.

See, e.g., Kevin Bales, Understanding Global Slavery (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).

Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slavery (New York: New York University Press, 1979), 5. See also Sheila Jeffreys, “Sexology and Antifeminism,” in The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed. Dorchen A. Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990), 5.

Jo Doezema, “Loose Women or Lost Women? The Re-emergence of the Myth of ‘White Slavery ’ in Contemporary Discourses of ‘Trafficking in Women’,” Gender Issues 18, no. 1 (2000): 26.

Shannon Bell, Reading, Writing, and Rewriting the Prostitute Body (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), 56. I thank David Blaney for pointing out the parallels between the Contagious Diseases Acts and 1970s campaigns to “clean up” kijich’on (camptown) prostitution connected to US military installations in the Republic of Korea. Regarding the latter, see Katharine H. S. Moon, Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in US-Korea Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).

Butler’s Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Disease Acts metamorphosed into the British, Continental and General Federation for the Abolition of the Government Regulation of Vice in 1875, and eventually settled upon the more concise and euphonious International Abolitionist Federation in 1898. Stephanie A. Limoncelli, The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2010), 45–46.

Ibid., 50.

Questions as to the actual existence of coerced prostitution and enslavement of white women on a large scale remain, becoming, in fact, another front in the disputes regarding contemporary measurements of human trafficking. Wendy Chapkis, for example, argues, “The belief in a pervasive sexual slave trade in the absence of widespread evidence suggests that the notion of white slavery was not dependent on large numbers of documented cases. Instead, it was fueled by more general anxieties about changing gender, sex, class, and race relations at the turn of the century. The idea of a ‘white slave’ unconsciously spoke not only to the experience of the white working class laboring under harsh conditions of early industrial capitalism, but also to the racial fears of an increasingly ethnically diverse population.” Live Sex Acts: Women Performing Erotic Labor (New York: Routledge, 1997), 42. See also Doezema. In contrast, Mary Ann Irwin writes, “Many Victorians were convinced that white slavery existed, while many others were just as certain that it did not; what is of concern is the dialogue itself. The issue is essentially one of definition: acceptance of the white slavery idea depends a great deal upon how one defines it.” “‘White Slavery ’ as Metaphor: Anatomy of a Moral Panic,” Ex Post Facto: The History Journal 5 (1996), accessed September 29, 2009, http://​userwww.​sfsu.​edu/​~epf/​1996/​wslavery.​html. For feminist abolitionists such as Barry, those who deny the existence of “white slavery ” ignore not only the documented cases of international sex trafficking during that time period, but also the high levels of domestic prostitution. Female Sexual Slavery, 33. Barry emphasizes, however, that Butler herself used the term rarely, and to refer to all exploitation of women in prostitution. For Barry, the term “embodied all the sexist, classist, and racist bigotry that was ultimately incorporated within the movement dominated by religious morality.” Ibid., 32.

See Kathleen Barry, “The Network Defines Its Issues: Theory, Evidence and Analysis of Female Sexual Slavery,” in International Feminism: Networking against Female Sexual Slavery; Report of the Global Feminist Workshop to Organize against Traffic in Women, ed. Kathleen Barry, Charlotte Bunch, and Shirley Castley (Rotterdam, the Netherlands: International Women’s Tribune Center, 1983), 23; Penelope Saunders, “Traffic Violations: Determining the Meaning of Violence in Sexual Trafficking Versus Sex Work,” Journal of Interpersonal Violence 20, no. 3 (2005): 346.

Susan Brownmiller, In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution (New York: Dial Press, 1999), 7. Brownmiller’s typology excludes a significant third wing of socialist feminists such as Barbara Ehrenreich, Gloria Martin, and Juliet Mitchell, among many others. See Barbara Ehrenreich, “What Is Socialist Feminism?” WIN, June 3, 1976; Alison M. Jaggar, Feminist Politics and Human Nature (Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allanheld, 1983), 123–71, 303–50.

See Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate,” Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​childtrafficking​.​com/​Docs/​leidholdt_​2003_​demand_​and_​the_​debate.​pdf. I use “feminist abolitionist” when referring to activists and ideas associated solely or primarily with the traffic of women for sex, and “radical feminist ” when referring to activists and ideas associated with all forms of female sexual exploitation. The latter group subsumes the former.

Judith Grant, Fundamental Feminism: Contesting the Core Concepts of Feminist Theory (New York: Routledge, 1993), 20. Emphasis in original. See also Robin Rowland and Renate Klein, “Radical Feminism : History, Politics, Action,” in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed, ed. Diane Bell and Renate Klein (North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1996), 19.

Rowland and Klein, 12.

Charlotte Bunch, “Network Strategies and Organizing against Female Sexual Slavery,” in International Feminism: Networking against Female Sexual Slavery; Report of the Global Feminist Workshop to Organize against Traffic in Women, ed. Kathleen Barry, Charlotte Bunch, and Shirley Castley (Rotterdam, the Netherlands: International Women’s Tribune Center, 1983), 53. Emphasis in original. Diane Bell and Renate Klein go on to claim that identity is the basis of political action: “Radical feminists have always understood that race, class, sexuality, age are intertwined, but they hold fast to the identity of woman.” Diane Bell and Renate Klein, “Beware: Radical Feminists Speak, Read, Write, Organize, Enjoy Life, and Never Forget,” in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed, ed. Diane Bell and Renate Klein (North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1996), xviii. Feminist philosopher Judith Butler, who is critical of the notion of universalist subjects herself, notes, “For the most part, feminist theory has assumed that there is some existing identity, understood through the category of women, who not only initiates feminist interests and goals within discourse, but constitutes the subject for whom political representation is pursued.” Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1999), 3. See also Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Feminism without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), 22.

Catharine MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 109. See also Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 194. Rowland and Klein define patriarchy as “a system of structures and institutions created by men in order to sustain and recreate male power and female subordination” 15. MacKinnon and Dworkin both use the term “male supremacy” in place of “patriarchy” to avoid the impression that male-led family structures rather than sexuality ground the oppression of women. See MacKinnon. Following conventional feminist practice, I use the terms interchangeably.

Ibid., 113. See also Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “When Women Defend Pornography,” in The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed. Dorchen A. Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990).

Writing about the meaning of “radical feminism ,” Robin Morgan muses that “etymology is usually revealing: the word ‘radical,’ for example, refers to ‘going to the root’ (as in radish) of an issue or subject. (That is to say, why waste time on political superficialities when you can wrestle with the most primary, basic oppression of all?)” Robin Morgan, “Light Bulbs, Radishes, and the Politics of the 21st Century,” in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed, ed. Diane Bell and Renate Klein (North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1996), 5.

MacKinnon, 109.

See Bunch.

Kathleen Barry, “The Network Defines Its Issues: Theory, Evidence and Analysis of Female Sexual Slavery,” ibid., 21.

Female Sexual Slavery, 41. In Jaggar’s words, “Radical feminists believe that women, whether they recognize it or not, are the sexual slaves of men. Consequently, women’s sexual relation with men is typically that of rape,” 261.

Sonia Johnson, “Taking Our Eyes Off the Guys,” in The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed. Dorchen A. Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990), 56.

According to MacKinnon, radical feminists believed “that we didn’t all have to be the same in order to be part of this common condition […] [Radical feminism was premised] as much on diversity as on commonality. It did not assume that commonality meant sameness.” Catharine A. MacKinnon, “Liberalism and the Death of Feminism,” ibid., 5.

See Andrea Dworkin, “Dworkin on Dworkin,” in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed, ed. Diane Bell and Renate Klein (North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1996), 210.

Radical feminists criticized gay male sexuality in particular, and rejected the idea that gay political activism had much affinity with lesbian political activism. See Adrienne Rich, “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society (1980): 631–60, which includes an extensive discussion of Barry’s Female Sexual Slavery.

MacKinnon, 113.

Ann Ferguson, “Sex War: The Debate between Radical and Libertarian Feminists,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 10, no. 1 (1984): 106–12. See also Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality; Jeffreys, “Eroticizing Women’s Subordination.”

MacKinnon, xiii.

See Robin Rowland, “Politics of Intimacy: Heterosexuality, Love and Power,” in Radically Speaking: Feminism Reclaimed, ed. Diane Bell and Renate Klein (North Melbourne: Spinifex Press, 1996).

Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “Presentation to UN Special Seminar on Trafficking, Prostitution and the Global Sex Industry—Postion Paper for CATW,” Coalition Against the Trafficking of Women, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​action.​web.​ca/​home/​catw/​readingroom.​shtml.

“A Call to Action: Joining the Fight against Trafficking in Persons” (paper presented at the US Embassy to the Holy See 20th Anniversary Conference—A Call to Action: Joining the Fight against Trafficking in Persons, The Pontifical Gregorian University, June 17 2004).

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 42.

MacKinnon, 5.

Jo Doezema, “Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ‘Third World Prostitute’,” Feminist Review 67, no. 1 (2001): 17. Doezema does not limit her criticism to CATW. She goes on to argue, “CATW feminists are not alone in their attachment to ‘third world prostitutes’ suffering bodies’. Feminist anti-trafficking organizations that nominally support the recognition of prostitution as a legitimate profession can slip into orientalist representations of third world sex workers.” Ibid., 18.

Laura Lederer, Take Back the Night: Women on Pornography (New York: Harper Perennial, 1980), 16.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 252. Leidholdt notes, “To radical feminist at the beginning of the Second Wave, pornography was nothing more or less than a codification of a male supremacist value system and the reification of male sexual power over women […].” Vance and Snitow, in contrast, challenge the anti-pornography movement’s conflation of categories. They argue that “the failure to make distinctions—between violent pornography and pornography, between pornography and sex, and between sex and violence—makes it hard to describe complex relations that involve both similarity and difference.” Carol S. Vance and Ann Barr Snitow, “Toward a Conversation About Sex in Feminism: A Modest Proposal,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 10, no. 1 (1984): 182.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 252. MacKinnon, for example, baldly states that “[pornography] is sexual reality,” 98. The precise distinction between the pornographic and the erotic, and the question of whether such a distinction is meaningful under patriarchy, remains an area of disagreement among radical feminists.

Robin Morgan, “Theory and Practice: Pornography and Rape,” in Take Back the Night: Women on Pornography, ed. Laura Lederer (New York: William Morrow, 1980), 139–40, quoted in Jaggar, 265.

Lederer, 19–20. Following the publication of the anthology, “Take Back the Night” became the rallying cry for feminist protest marches against pornography, and Lederer went on to play a prominent role in activist, academic, and government circles in the feminist abolitionist campaigns against trafficking. Ibid., 19. Take Back the Night is now a charitable foundation that organizes events about violence against women and sexual violence. See http://​www.​takebackthenight​.​org.

Ibid., 29. The question of harm reduction strategies reappears in similar guise within anti-trafficking debates.

MacKinnon, 109.

Ibid. For criticism of the ethnocentrism of early feminist consciousness-raising sessions, see María C. Lugones and Elizabeth V. Spelman, “Have We Got a Theory for You! Feminist Theory, Cultural Imperialism, and the Demand for ‘the Woman’s Voice’,” Women’s Studies International Forum 6, no. 6 (1983).

Kathie Sarachild, “Consciousness-Raising: A Radical Weapon,” Feminist Revolution (1978), accessed September 29, 2009, http://​scriptorium.​lib.​duke.​edu/​wlm/​fem/​sarachild.​html.

Ibid.

Brownmiller, 7.

Andrea Dworkin, “Prostitution and Male Supremacy,” Michigan Journal of Gender & Law 1 (1993): 5.

Catharine MacKinnon, “Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State: An Agenda for Theory,” in Feminist Social Thought: A Reader, ed. Diana Tietjens Meyers (New York: Routledge, 1997), 75. See also Toward a Feminist Theory of the State. Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, eds., This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color (New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1983 [1981]); Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989); Sandra Harding, ed., The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies (New York: Routledge, 2004); and Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 2000). Other feminists such as Joan W. Scott and Chandra Talpade Mohanty have argued that “experience” is a problematic notion in itself. Uncritical reliance upon experience as the foundation for knowledge runs the risk of reifying difference rather than critically understanding its construction and possibilities. See Joan Wallach Scott, “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry 17, no. 4 (1991); Chandra Talpade Mohanty, “Feminist Encounters: Locating the Politics of Experience,” Copyright 1, Fall (1987). Mohanty, 78–84.

Andrea Dworkin, Letters from a War Zone: Writings, 1976–1989 (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1989).

MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, 87.

Ibid.

Ibid., 102.

Ibid.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 118.

On “false consciousness” as a theory, see ibid., 217–18.

MacKinnon, Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, 116.

Ibid., 137. She continues, “The reality of pervasive sexual abuse and its eroticization does not shift relative to perspective, although whether or not one will see it or accord it significance may.”

See, e.g. Leidholdt, “When Women Defend Pornography”; Catharine A. MacKinnon, “Liberalism and the Death of Feminism,” ibid.; Sheila Jeffreys, “Eroticizing Women’s Subordination,” ibid.

“Sexology and Antifeminism,” 22.

Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “When Women Defend Pornography,” ibid., 129.

In addition to her career as an activist, Barry received her Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Berkeley in 1977. She is currently Professor Emerita of Human Development at Pennsylvania State University.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery; The Prostitution of Sexuality; and Kathleen Barry, Charlotte Bunch, and Shirley Castley, eds., International Feminism: Networking against Female Sexual Slavery; Report of the Global Feminist Workshop to Organize against Traffic in Women (Rotterdam, the Netherlands: International Women’s Tribune Center, 1983).

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 41.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 10.

Ibid., 11.

Ibid., 9.

Female Sexual Slavery, 7.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 37.

Female Sexual Slavery, 11.

Ibid., 252.

Ibid., 99–100.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 11. Barry defines male prostitution as the prostitution of “teenage boys and adult men,” but does not specify the point at which male children lose the vulnerability that had previously deemed them worthy of protection from sexual exploitation. Ibid. On the rape of adult men, see Jaggar, 262–63.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 23–30.

Ibid., 22.

Ibid., 23.

Ibid., 32.

Ibid., 28.

Ibid.

See also Judith Roof and Robyn Wiegman, eds., Who Can Speak? Authority and Critical Identity (Urbana and Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995).

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 43–44.

Ibid., 11, 44–46. For a dissenting radical feminist view, see Andrea Dworkin, “Woman-Hating Right and Left,” in The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed. Dorchen A. Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990), 38.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 47–49.

Ibid., 80–81.

Ibid., 92–93.

See, e.g., The Prostitution of Sexuality, 11, 35, 171, 82.

Female Sexual Slavery, 120; The Prostitution of Sexuality, 23, 37, 69–73, 79, 296.

Doezema, “Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ‘Third World Prostitute’,” 27.

Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality, 79.

Ibid. See also Evelina Giobbe, “Confronting the Liberal Lies About Prostitution,” in The Sexual Liberals and the Attack on Feminism, ed. Dorchen A. Leidholdt and Janice G. Raymond (New York: Pergamon Press, 1990). Barry, “The Opening Paper: International Politics of Female Sexual Slavery,” 79; For a critical discussion of studies that claim to document a high percentage of childhood rape and sexual abuse reported by prostituted women, see Ine Vanwesenbeeck, “Another Decade of Social Scientific Work on Sex Work: A Review of Research 1990–2000,” Annual Review of Sex Research 12 (2001).

See Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality, 10; Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate.”

Aurora Javarte de Dios, “Confronting Trafficking, Prostitution and Sexual Exploitation in Asia–the Struggle for Survival and Dignity,” in Making the Harm Visible: Global Sexual Exploitation of Women and Girls, ed. Donna M. Hughes and Claire M. Roche (Kingston, RI: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 1999). “Female genital mutilation” is itself a highly contested concept, and is alternatively described as “female circumcision” and “female genital cutting.” See, e.g., Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf, “Virtuous Cuts: Female Genital Circumcision in an African Ontology,” in Going Public: Feminism and the Shifting Boundaries of the Private Sphere, ed. Joan W. Scott and Debra Keates (Urbana and Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2004).

Barry does not claim to have accomplished this single-handedly. In fact, Charlotte Bunch is most closely associated with the slogan, “Women’s Rights Are Human Rights.” See, e.g., Charlotte Bunch, “Women’s Rights as Human Rights: Toward a Re-vision of Human Rights,” Human Rights Quarterly 12 (1990). See also Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 184–88. The distinction that Barry is drawing is between the field of international human rights—the chosen battleground for her coterie of radical feminists—and the field of individual civil rights, the ground upon which MacKinnon and Dworkin had staked their radical feminist campaign against pornography in the 1980s. Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality, 10.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 302.

The importance of which should not be underestimated. As Bunch and Shirley Castley wrote in their introduction to the published proceedings of the 1983 Rotterdam workshop, “We wish, ultimately, to outrage.” “Introduction,” in International Feminism: Networking against Female Sexual Slavery; Report of the Global Feminist Workshop to Organize against Traffic in Women, ed. Kathleen Barry, Charlotte Bunch, and Shirley Castley (Rotterdam, the Netherlands: International Women’s Tribune Center, 1983), 8.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 303.

Jo Doezema, “Now You See Her, Now You Don’t: Sex Workers at the UN Trafficking Protocol Negotiation,” Social & Legal Studies 14, no. 1 (2005): 68.

Donna M. Hughes, “Accommodation or Abolition? Solutions to the Problem of Sexual Trafficking and Slavery,” National Review Online, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www.​nationalreview.​com/​articles/​206761/​accommodation-or-abolition/​donna-m-hughes.

Barry, “The Opening Paper: International Politics of Female Sexual Slavery.” The objective of the conference, attended by delegations from more than 140 states, was to assess the improvement in women’s status since 1975, the UN-designated International Women’s Year. See Fran P. Hosken, “Toward a Definition of Women’s Human Rights,” Human Rights Quarterly 3, no. 2 (1981): 3.

Bunch and Castley, 9.

Kathleen Barry, “The Opening Paper: International Politics of Female Sexual Slavery,” ibid., 22.

United Nations, “Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, Equality, Development, and Peace” (Copenhagen 1980), Resolution 43.

CEDAW, which has been ratified by 185 states (not including the U.S.), is a UN convention that requires state parties to seek to eliminate gender discrimination by codifying women’s equality in domestic law and establishing domestic institutions to further women’s equality. UNHCHR, “Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women,” Office of the United Nations High Commisioner for Human Rights, accessed September 29, 2009, http://​www2.​ohchr.​org/​english/​bodies/​cedaw/​index.​htm.

CEDAW article 6.

Keck and Sikkink, 178.

Bunch and Castley, 9.

Ibid., 10.

The Trafficking in Women conference was funded in part through the efforts of Take Back the Night’s Laura Lederer, who along with Leidholdt would go on to take a leading role in anti-trafficking politics. Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate,” 1.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Donna M. Hughes, “Introduction,” in Making the Harm Visible: Global Sexual Exploitation of Women and Girls, ed. Donna M. Hughes and Claire M. Roche (Kingston, RI: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 1999).

I discuss the TVPA at length in Chapter 3. Regarding the Trafficking Protocol, see Ann D. Jordan, “The Annotated Guide to the Complete UN Trafficking Protocol” (Washington, DC: International Human Rights Law Group, 2002).

See, e.g., Janice G. Raymond and Donna M. Hughes, “Sex Trafficking of Women in the United States: International and Domestic Trends” (New York: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 2001). This study was supported by a grant from the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), an agency within the US Department of Justice.

In the case of the Protocol, for example, the full title describes it as a Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. Emphasis added.

See Janice G. Raymond, “Guide to the New UN Trafficking Protocol” (North Amherst, MA: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 2001).

Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate,” 10.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 86; See also Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate,” 11–12; Raymond and Hughes, 13.

Dorchen A. Leidholdt, “Prostitution: A Modern Form of Slavery,” in Making the Harm Visible: Global Sexual Exploitation of Women and Girls, ed. Donna M. Hughes and Claire M. Roche (Kingston, RI: Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 1999).

See also “Presentation to UN Special Seminar on Trafficking, Prostitution and the Global Sex Industry-Postion Paper for CATW.”

Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality, 11.

Doezema, “Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ‘Third World Prostitute’,” 26.

Ibid., 29.

Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC), “Sex Workers’ Manifesto” (paper presented at the First National Conference of Sex Workers in India, Calcutta, November 14–16, 1997).

Bunch, “Network Strategies and Organizing against Female Sexual Slavery,” 54.

Hughes, “Introduction.”

Aurora Javarte de Dios, “Confronting Trafficking, Prostitution and Sexual Exploitation in Asia—the Struggle for Survival and Dignity,” ibid.

Leidholdt, “Presentation to UN Special Seminar on Trafficking, Prostitution and the Global Sex Industry-Postion Paper for CATW.”

I alternate references to “prostituted women” and “sex workers” in accordance with the preferred usage of the individuals or groups I am currently discussing.

Leidholdt, “Presentation to UN Special Seminar on Trafficking, Prostitution and the Global Sex Industry-Postion Paper for CATW.”

Janice G. Raymond, “Prostitution as Violence against Women: NGO Stonewalling in Beijing and Elsewhere,” Women’s Studies International Forum 21, no. 1 (1998): 2.

Ibid., 4. Emphasis in the original.

Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate,” 2.

Ibid.

Raymond and Hughes, 19.

Barry, The Prostitution of Sexuality, 71.

Raymond, “Prostitution as Violence against Women: NGO Stonewalling in Beijing and Elsewhere,” 3.

Leidholdt, “Presentation to UN Special Seminar on Trafficking, Prostitution and the Global Sex Industry-Postion Paper for CATW.”

Ibid.; See also Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 136.

Julia O’Connell Davidson, Prostitution, Power and Freedom (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998), 15.

John R. Miller, “The Slavery of Prostitution,” New York Times, December, 20, 2005.

Janice G. Raymond, Legitimating Prostitution as Sex Work: UN Labor Organization (ILO) Calls for Recognition of the Sex Industry (The Coalition Against Trafficking in Women, 1999).

Keck and Sikkink, 27.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 40.

Leidholdt, “Prostitution: A Modern Form of Slavery.”

Vednita Carter, “Providing Services to African American Prostituted Women,” in Prostitution, Trafficking, and Traumatic Stress, ed. Melissa Farley (New York: Routledge, 2004), 275.

Ibid., 274.

Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights of the Committee on International Relations, Hearing on Trafficking of Women and Children in the International Sex Trade, 106th Cong. 1st session, September 14, 1999, 39.

Ibid., 46.

See Doezema, “Loose Women or Lost Women? The Re-emergence of the Myth of ‘White Slavery ’ in Contemporary Discourses of ‘Trafficking in Women’”; Gretchen Soderlund, “Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition,” NWSA Journal 17, no. 3 (2005).

Leidholdt, “Prostitution: A Modern Form of Slavery.”

Donna M. Hughes, “The Demand: Where Sex Trafficking Begins” (paper presented at the US Embassy to the Holy See 20th Anniversary Conference—A Call to Action: Joining the Fight Against Trafficking in Persons, The Pontifical Gregorian University, June 17, 2004), 32.

Ibid.

Barry, Female Sexual Slavery, 194.

The Prostitution of Sexuality, 9.

Leidholdt, “Demand and the Debate.”

Female Sexual Slavery, 29. Emphasis added.

Barry writes, “When men entered the campaign against regulated prostitution, particularly in rescue work and investigations, one notes that consistently their behavior was dominated by righteous heroics in which the fate of the victim is secondary to the escapade they are performing.” Ibid., 23.

On the importance of rescue work, see Hughes, “Accommodation or Abolition? Solutions to the Problem of Sexual Trafficking and Slavery”; Dawn Herzog Jewell, “Red-Light Rescue,” Christianity Today, January, 2007; Cheryl Noble, “Justice Seekers: Bringing Rescue and Healing to the Oppressed,” Journal of Student Ministries (2007); Nicholas D. Kristof, “Raiding a Brothel in India,” The New York Times, May 25, 2011; and Samantha Power, “The Enforcer: A Christian Lawyer’s Global Crusade,” The New Yorker, January 19, 2009. For criticism, see Laura María Agustín, Sex at the Margins: Migration, Labor Markets, and the Rescue Industry (London: Zed Books, 2007); Melissa Ditmore, “Kicking Down the Door: The Use of Raids to Fight Trafficking in Persons” (New York: The Sex Workers Project, 2009); Doezema, “Ouch! Western Feminists’ ‘Wounded Attachment’ to the ‘Third World Prostitute’”; Soderlund; and VAMP Collective and SANGRAM, “Resisting Raids and Rescue,” Research for Sex Work 10 (2008).

See, e.g., William J. Bennett and Charles W. Colson, “The Clintons Shrug at Sex Trafficking,” The Wall Street Journal, January 10, 2000; Michael J. Horowitz, “Right Abolitionism,” The American Spectator, December/January 2005/2006.

See, e.g., Kathryn Jean Lopez, “The New Abolitionist Movement: Donna Hughes on Progress Fighting Sex Trafficking,” accessed September 29, 2009, http://​old.​nationalreview.​com/​interrogatory/​hughes2006012608​24.​asp; Jacqueline Berman, “The Left, the Right, and the Prostitute: The Making of U.S. Anti-Trafficking in Persons Policy,” Tulane Journal of International and Comparative Law 14 (2005–2006). I discuss Laura Lederer’s conversion to Christianity in Chapter 5.